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A fact-checking cell composed of experts from QuotaClimat, INRAE, the Institut Rousseau, Egis, and Blunomy analyzed ecological statements made during the May 2, 2024, European election debate. The cell found that ecology was not a priority for the moderators, leading to a lack of discussion on key transition themes such as agriculture, energy, and transport. Specific claims by candidates were flagged as false or misleading: Léo Deffontaines' claim about energy production for carbon neutrality was deemed partially false for omitting energy sobriety; Manon Aubry's figures for taxing super-profits and super-fortunes (125 and 250 billion euros) were identified as global rather than European estimates; and François-Xavier Bellamy's claims regarding French taxation and public spending levels were labeled as fallacious or false based on GDP percentages and investment needs.

The document identifies numerous factual errors made by candidates from various political parties during a debate on the ecological and social transition. Key corrections include debunking claims that the EU Green Deal currently imposes norms on farmers, correcting the ranking of France as the EU's third-largest agricultural exporter rather than the first, and clarifying that France's energy mix is the second most decarbonized in Europe, behind Sweden. It also addresses misconceptions about the carbon footprint of Chinese-made renewables, the efficacy of hydrogen cars, and the actual population and migration figures in Mayotte.

The document argues that traditional sales periods promote unsustainable overconsumption in the textile industry, which accounts for 4-8% of global greenhouse gas emissions. It critiques current media coverage for focusing on 'good deals' and the economic plight of merchants while omitting the environmental costs of production, the prevalence of 'dark patterns' in marketing, and the reality of greenwashing. The text emphasizes that technical innovations in recycling cannot replace the need for sobriety and a reduction in production volumes to meet Paris Agreement goals.

The document argues that media coverage of COP events often focuses disproportionately on failure and inefficiency while ignoring the influence of fossil fuel lobbies, the role of NGOs, and the historical tensions between developed and developing nations. It outlines the key objectives of COP 28, including the first global climate action stocktake and the operationalization of the loss and damage fund, and counters myths regarding the utility of COPs and the role of technological innovation in solving the climate crisis.

The document asserts that media concentration and poor governance in France result in a lack of quality information on climate change, which the authors link to public health risks and a failure to uphold constitutional rights to environmental information.

QuotaClimat calls for a voluntary 20% quota of audiovisual media space to be dedicated to the ecological crisis, arguing that current coverage (averaging 3%) is insufficient given the urgency of climate change and biodiversity loss.

The report outlines 17 specific measures to protect the integrity of environmental information in France. These include institutionalizing the monitoring of media coverage via the Observatoire des Médias sur l’Ecologie, protecting environmental spokespeople from harassment, and integrating climate disinformation as a systemic risk under the EU's Digital Services Act. It advocates for stronger editorial safeguards against shareholder conflicts of interest, mandatory 'climate contracts' to fight greenwashing, and specialized training for public officials, journalists, and students. Internationally, it urges France to lead the Global Initiative for Climate Information Integrity (GI3C) and coordinate with European regulators via the EU Media Board.