{"query_echo":{"q":"","filters":{"organization":["Peace Research Institute Oslo"]},"warnings":[]},"total":{"value":763,"relation":"eq"},"page":39,"page_size":20,"self":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/api/v1/search?organization=peace-research-institute-oslo&page=39","stability":"beta","ai_marking":{"digital_source_type":{"uri":"http://cv.iptc.org/newscodes/digitalsourcetype/trainedAlgorithmicMedia","name":"Created using Generative AI"},"notice":"Summary and key insights are generated using artificial intelligence."},"results":[{"id":"prio-001857","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001857","title":"Where, when, and how does the UN work to prevent civil war in self-determination disputes?","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/fb58a08f-e5a5-41a7-9c3b-d60c0e585533/Where when and how does the UN work to prevent civil war in self-determination disputes.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The research analyzes UNSC resolutions in self-determination disputes to determine what drives the UN's decision to take preventive action. The authors find that the UN is significantly more likely to intervene in nonviolent disputes that have a history of violence or are located in regions with a high potential for contagion. While the UN employs a variety of tools—most notably diplomacy and condemnation—political constraints, particularly the interests of the P-5 members, limit its ability to act based on specific dispute-level characteristics like factionalism or economic status.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001857#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"The UN is significantly more likely to engage in preventive action in nonviolent self-determination disputes that have a prior history of violence.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001857#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Regional contagion risk is a strong driver of UN intervention; the UN is more likely to act in nonviolent disputes when nearby states are experiencing internal armed conflict.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001857#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The UN's response varies by the type of tool used: while history of violence strongly predicts all forms of intervention, regional contagion is primarily associated with 'lighter' actions like diplomacy and condemnation rather than the deployment of force.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001857#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Political constraints, specifically the veto power and interests of the P-5 (China, France, the UK, the US, and Russia), severely limit UN action in disputes involving those states or their allies.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001857#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Dispute-level characteristics—such as the number of factions, the presence of neighboring kin groups, or the level of democracy—do not strongly predict whether the UNSC will take preventive action.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001857#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Diplomacy is a central and frequently used tool in the UN's preventive toolkit for self-determination disputes, reflecting a practical application of 'preventative diplomacy'.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001857#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The UN rarely utilizes sanctions as a proactive tool in self-determination disputes, making them less common than new authorizations of force.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001857#insight-7","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The UN does not merely react to existing violence but acts proactively in nonviolent disputes to prevent the outbreak of civil war.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001857#insight-8","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["North Macedonia","Cyprus","Afghanistan","Bosnia and Herzegovina","Croatia","Sudan","Georgia"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["quantitative","empirical","longitudinal"]},{"id":"prio-001859","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001859","title":"Who are the civilians in the wars of South Sudan?","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/db5ba239-9b02-45ec-83cd-8511c85bd83d/Who are the civilians in the wars of South Sudan.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The study traces a longitudinal history of violence in South Sudan, arguing that since the colonial period, local populations have been viewed as resources to be managed, exploited, and controlled rather than non-combatants. This logic of violent governance—characterized by forced displacement, collective punishment, and the blurring of lines between military and civilian actors—has persisted through multiple civil wars and continues to influence current conflict dynamics and the effectiveness of international protection efforts.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001859#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"Since the first colonial incursions, local populations in South Sudan have been treated as strategic assets to be managed and exploited, making them key resources for capture and control rather than just targets of violence.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001859#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The distinction between 'military' and 'civilian' is conceptually and empirically unstable in the South Sudanese context, as colonial regimes, independent governments, and rebel groups have developed their own definitions of legitimate targets and non-combatants.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001859#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Colonial rule under the Anglo-Egyptian Condominium (1899–1956) institutionalized a pattern of extractive and violent control, utilizing 'pacification' campaigns that included burning villages, seizing cattle, and the forced conscription of prisoners.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001859#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Forced population movement and encampment have been consistent tactics used by both state and rebel actors to weaken opponents, secure cheap labour, and control resources, a practice that predates and mirrors modern Protection of Civilians (PoC) camps.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001859#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"During the first civil war (1963–1972) and the second civil war (1983–2005), both the Sudanese government and rebel groups like the Anya-Nya and SPLM/A used collective punishment, the burning of villages, and the creation of 'Peace Villages' to isolate populations from their enemies.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001859#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The governance of South Sudan has become fundamentally militarized, with political and military power fused; for example, the SPLM/A required military ranks for those in elite civil service positions, and state governors are automatically promoted to brigadier general.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001859#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"International Protection of Civilians (PoC) camps risk being incorporated into existing local systems of violent governance, as they are often perceived locally as another form of militarized government controlling territory and populations.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001859#insight-7","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["Sudan","Malakal","Juba","Blue Nile State","Maban","Kafia Kingi","Nzara","Khartoum","Nuba Mountains","Darfur","Yei","Ethiopia","South Kordofan"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["longitudinal study","historical analysis","field study"]},{"id":"prio-001862","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001862","title":"Why do Pastoralists in Mali join Jihadist Groups?","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/b4583f0f-f505-4509-b4d3-8a29bbd55053/Why do pastoralists in Mali join jihadist groups A political ecological explanation.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","climate_tags","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The research argues that the expansion of jihadist groups in central Mali is fueled by a 'predatory and corrupt state' and a development model that ignores pastoral priorities. By analyzing land-use conflicts in the Mopti region, the authors find that pastoralists support jihadist groups because they offer an anti-elite discourse and a perceived alternative to a state that extracts rent through corrupt courts and a paramilitary Forest Service. The study concludes that recruitment is largely a strategic response to material interests and political exclusion.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001862#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"Pastoralists in the Mopti region are drawn to jihadist groups due to a combination of anti-state and anti-elite sentiment, a pro-pastoral discourse, and fatigue with a corrupt state that extracts rent from the rural peasantry.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001862#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The Malian Forest Service, a paramilitary organization, is viewed as a predatory entity that uses the discourse of fighting desertification to justify random fining and 'decentralised plunder' of rural populations.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001862#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"State corruption in the judiciary and administration has hindered the resolution of land-use conflicts, as officials often accept bribes from multiple parties to avoid reaching a final adjudication.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001862#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Jihadist leader Hamadoun Koufa recruits followers by framing the presence of French and UN (MINUSMA) forces as 're-colonisation' and linking this to the economic exploitation of Malian resources.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001862#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The recruitment of Fulani pastoralists is increasingly tied to ethnic marginalisation and perceived state violence, creating a 'Fulani question' similar to the 'Tuareg question' in northern Mali.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001862#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"In the Soosoobé versus Salsalbé conflict, jihadist intervention shifted land access in favor of non-elite pastoralists by rejecting the priority rights previously upheld by the colonial and Malian state for the Fulani elite.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001862#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The conflict in Sari between Dogon farmers and Fulani pastoralists escalated after a state power vacuum in 2012, leading many Fulani to join groups like MUJAO and the FLM to resist army violence and elite domination.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001862#insight-7","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"There is a significant disconnect between the international perception of Mali as a 'model for African democracy' and the internal reality of a corrupt bureaucratic system and peasant resistance.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001862#insight-8","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The expansion of jihadism in the Mopti region is characterized as a reaction to 'green militarization,' where the use of paramilitary techniques for conservation provoked insurgency.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001862#insight-9","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":["desertification","climate change"],"geography_discussed":["Bamako","Algeria","Libya","Burkina Faso","Seno","Sari"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["case study","political ecological analysis"]}]}