{"query_echo":{"q":"","filters":{"organization":["Peace Research Institute Oslo"]},"warnings":[]},"total":{"value":763,"relation":"eq"},"page":33,"page_size":20,"self":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/api/v1/search?organization=peace-research-institute-oslo&page=33","next":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/api/v1/search?organization=peace-research-institute-oslo&page=34","stability":"beta","ai_marking":{"digital_source_type":{"uri":"http://cv.iptc.org/newscodes/digitalsourcetype/trainedAlgorithmicMedia","name":"Created using Generative AI"},"notice":"Summary and key insights are generated using artificial intelligence."},"results":[{"id":"prio-001481","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001481","title":"Institutional Variance of the Democratic Peace, 1816-2002: Electoral, Executive, and Federal Systems in Time and Space","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/37164f19-61ef-4179-8b18-25a75e936ab9/Institutional Variance Codebook.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The document is a codebook for a dataset tracking three dimensions of governmental institutions from 1816 to 2002: electoral systems (Majority-Plurality, Semi-proportional, Proportional Representation), executive forms (Presidential, Semi-presidential, Parliamentary, Military, Non-elective), and federalism (Unitary, Semi-federal, Federal). It defines the criteria for state inclusion based on Gleditsch and Ward (1999), requiring autonomous administration, recognition as a distinct entity, and a population over 250,000. The document details the methodology for classifying these systems, including the use of the Polity4 index to identify democracies (score >= 3) and the extrapolation of data to fill gaps during World Wars. A comprehensive coding scheme is provided for numerous countries, listing their institutional transitions over the specified period.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001481#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"The dataset classifies electoral systems into three primary groups: Majority-Plurality (using single-member districts), Semi-Proportional (falling between proportionality and majoritarianism), and Proportional Representation (representation based on the overall share of the national vote).","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001481#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Executive systems are categorized into five types: Presidential (president exercises primary influence), Semi-Presidential (prime minister as head of government and president as head of state), Parliamentary (executive depends on legislative approval), Military (direct rule by military or military-controlled civilian government), and Non-elective (non-elective selection of the effective executive, such as theocracies or 19th-century monarchies).","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001481#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The degree of federalism is classified into three categories: Unitary (sovereignty centered at the national government), Semi-Federal (elective regional legislatures exist but sovereignty remains national), and Federal (elective regional legislatures with constitutional recognition of subnational authority).","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001481#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"To ensure data continuity, the author used an extrapolation technique to fill missing information during the World Wars and to extend the dataset to 2002, provided the Polity4 index score changed by less than 3 during the period.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001481#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The criteria for including a polity in the dataset require it to have a population greater than 250,000, a relatively autonomous administration over some territory, and be considered a distinct entity by local actors or the state it depends on.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001481#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":[],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["institutional analysis","comparative politics","dataset codebook"]},{"id":"prio-001486","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001486","title":"Into the fray: becoming an academic in my own right","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"report","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/43fa8d73-79dd-431e-81a3-dccbb7ec88e5/Into the fray becoming an academic in my own right.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed"],"summary":{"text":"The document is a reflective account of Lynn P. Nygaard's journey through a Doctor of Education (EdD) programme. The author describes the tension between being a 'seasoned professional' in academic writing and a novice researcher, detailing challenges such as impostor syndrome, the difficulty of developing an original academic voice, and the struggle to process critical feedback. The author argues that their decision to extend their doctoral studies to focus on publishing was an act of agency to build a legitimate academic identity. Additionally, the text discusses how a combination of financial security, supervisor support, and intrinsic motivation enabled the author to complete the degree following a severe personal crisis involving their husband's critical injury.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001486#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"The author experienced a conflict between their professional identity as an expert writing coach and their role as a doctoral student, which led to feelings of impostor syndrome and difficulty accepting critical feedback.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001486#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The author deliberately delayed their doctoral completion to prioritize publishing academic articles and books, viewing this slow progress as a result of personal agency rather than failure.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001486#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Transitioning from a practitioner to a researcher revealed that professional expertise in the 'end product' of academic writing did not translate to ease in conducting the research process itself.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001486#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The author identifies several internal and external factors that prevented them from dropping out of the programme after a major personal crisis, including financial stability, supervisor assistance with administrative interruptions, and a strong intrinsic motivation to validate their professional competence.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001486#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"For the author, the definitive milestone of becoming a legitimate scholar was not the receipt of the degree, but the first time their work was cited by another researcher.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001486#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["United States","London"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":[]},{"id":"prio-001487","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001487","title":"Introducing the Strategies of Resistance Data Project","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/06d8a550-3809-4940-9902-28cfba5a4351/Introducing the Strategies of Resistance data project.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The Strategies of Resistance Data Project (SRDP) provides a global dataset of 1,124 organizations involved in self-determination disputes between 1960 and 2005. Unlike previous datasets that focus on mass campaigns or violent actors, SRDP uses the organization as the unit of analysis to track tactical shifts. Findings indicate that nonviolent tactics are more common than violence in these movements, and organizations are more likely to switch from violence to nonviolence than vice versa.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001487#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"The SRDP dataset includes 1,124 organizations involved in movements for national self-determination across 76 countries and 138 movements between 1960 and 2005.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001487#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Nonviolent tactics are more prevalent than violent tactics among organizations in self-determination movements; 40% of organizations used nonviolent tactics at some point, compared to approximately 30% that employed violence against the state.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001487#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"A significant portion of organizations employ a diversity of tactics, with about 15% using both violent and nonviolent tactics in the same year.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001487#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Analysis of tactical switching reveals that organizations are more likely to transition from violence to nonviolence than from nonviolence to violence, contradicting the assumption that actors simply 'resort' to violence.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001487#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"A comparison with the NAVCO 2.0 dataset shows that the majority of resistance activity occurs outside of large-scale mass campaigns; nearly 70% of nonviolent and 54% of violent organization-years in SRDP took place outside the context of a NAVCO campaign.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001487#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The SRDP categorizes nonviolent tactics into five distinct types: economic noncooperation, protest and demonstration, nonviolent intervention, social noncooperation, and political noncooperation.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001487#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"At the organization level, a higher degree of movement fragmentation is associated with a switch from violence to nonviolence, but not with a switch from nonviolence to violence.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001487#insight-7","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"At the movement level, the presence of at least one organization demanding independence is associated with a decreased likelihood of stopping nonviolence and an increased likelihood of ceasing violence.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001487#insight-8","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["Spain","Morocco","Myanmar","Bangladesh","Ethiopia","Comoros","Chile","Nicaragua","Iraq","Algeria","Canada","Belgium","Moldova","Slovakia","Indonesia","Thailand"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["quantitative analysis","dataset introduction","multinomial logistic modeling"]},{"id":"prio-001489","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001489","title":"Women, Peace and Security in Review","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/3c5f0425-77d2-44a5-a798-776d06b4394c/INTRODUCTION Women Peace and Security in Nepal.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed"],"summary":{"text":"The text introduces a research volume reviewing women's political empowerment in post-war Nepal. It situates the Nepali experience within the global United Nations Women, Peace and Security (WPS) framework, specifically UNSCR 1325. The authors highlight Nepal's milestones, such as the election of its first female President and Speaker, and the adoption of a National Action Plan on WPS. However, they note a gap in scholarly research regarding the political agency of female ex-combatants, who made up a significant portion of the Maoist People's Liberation Army. The volume aims to analyze whether increased female participation in governance and activism has led to genuine social transformation and gender equality.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001489#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"Nepal has achieved several landmarks in women's political representation following its civil war, including a 33 per cent share of women in the 2008 Constituent Assembly election and the election of the country's first female President, Bidhya Devi Bhandari, and first female Speaker, Onsari Gharti Magar.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001489#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"In 2011, Nepal became the first country in South Asia to adopt a National Action Plan for the implementation of United Nations Security Council Resolutions 1325 and 1820.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001489#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Female combatants represented a significant portion of the Maoist People's Liberation Army (PLA), comprising one-third of the force in some districts and up to 50 per cent in highly mobilized areas; the United Nations Mission in Nepal (UNMIN) verified that 19.63 per cent (3,846 out of 19,602) of total PLA ex-combatants were women.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001489#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Despite their numbers, the political agency of female ex-combatants is largely ignored in Nepal's National Action Plan, which treats them primarily as recipients of social rehabilitation or humanitarian aid.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001489#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Global implementation of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda remains insufficient; as of March 2017, 63 UN member states had adopted National Action Plans, but women remain severely under-represented in peace processes, making up only 2 per cent of chief mediators, 4 per cent of witnesses or signatories, and 9 per cent of negotiators in a study of 31 major processes.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001489#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Research indicates that the actual influence women exert on a peace process is more critical for the successful reaching and implementation of peace agreements than the mere numerical count of women included.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001489#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["Africa"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":[]},{"id":"prio-001490","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001490","title":"Investigating everyday acts of contributing as ‘admission tickets’ to belong to the nation in Norway","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/c032614a-eda5-4c95-becb-3a78bdb9a5b8/Investigating everyday acts of contributing as admission tickets to belong to the nation in Norway.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The study examines the relationship between contributing and belonging in Norway, finding that the act of contributing functions as an 'admission ticket' for those experiencing ontological insecurity. Through interviews in a rural municipality, the author identifies that while non-migrants possess a taken-for-granted sense of belonging, internal and international migrants use public contributions—such as employment, language learning, and volunteering—to gain recognition. The paper argues that belonging is practiced across multiple geographical scales, with internal migrants focusing on local acceptance and international migrants seeking both local and national recognition.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001490#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"The act of contributing is conceptualised by research participants as an 'admission ticket' to belong, where the effort to contribute is more significant than the specific nature or quality of the contribution itself.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001490#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"There is a widespread background expectancy in Norwegian nationhood that all residents, regardless of their migration status, are expected to contribute to society to be respected and integrated.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001490#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Individuals with no migration background experience 'ontological security,' meaning their belonging is taken-for-granted, and they often contribute without a conscious desire for external recognition.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001490#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Internal migrants in Norway often experience an ambivalent state of ontological security: they feel secure in their national identity but feel insecure at the local scale, using contributions to gain acceptance within their specific municipality.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001490#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"International migrants experience ontological insecurity at both local and national levels, and they perceive their contributions as a way to achieve recognition across both scales simultaneously.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001490#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The ability to use contributing as an 'admission ticket' is constrained by hegemonic structures and racialised imaginaries of 'sameness,' meaning non-white immigrants may face greater barriers to recognition despite their efforts.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001490#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["Fiord"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["qualitative research","semi-structured interviews","grounded theory"]},{"id":"prio-001491","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001491","title":"Is the Hidden Hand an Iron Fist? Capitalism & Civil Peace, 1970–2005","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/2704ec24-c851-4d1e-95a2-824e3cb39939/Is the Hidden Hand an Iron Fist Capitalism and Civil Peace 1970-2005.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The research investigates the relationship between capitalism and domestic peace, arguing that economies favorable to free enterprise reduce the risk of civil war by increasing the opportunity costs of rebellion. Using the Index of Economic Freedom and UCDP/PRIO conflict data from 1970–2005, the authors find that higher economic freedom is associated with a lower risk of conflict onset, a result that remains significant even when controlling for per capita income, institutional quality, and state repression. The study concludes that market-friendly policies do not undermine state autonomy to maintain peace, contrary to some globalization skeptics.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001491#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"There is a statistically significant negative relationship between economic freedom and the risk of civil war onset; countries with higher levels of economic freedom are less likely to experience the start of a civil conflict.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001491#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The impact of economic freedom on reducing conflict risk is substantively large and comparable to the effect of per capita income. For example, a country at the 75th percentile of economic freedom has a 43% lower risk of conflict onset than one at the 25th percentile.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001491#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Economic freedom is a more robust predictor of peace than per capita income; once economic freedom is controlled for in the models, the estimated effect of income per capita is no longer significant.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001491#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The peace-promoting effect of economic freedom persists regardless of the quality of government institutions or the level of state repression, suggesting that the result is not merely a byproduct of 'clean' institutions or the forced suppression of dissent.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001491#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The findings support an opportunity-cost model where closed economies are more prone to civil war because they encourage 'rebellion specific capital' and illegal economic activity in the shadows, whereas open economies reward productive investment over rent-seeking.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001491#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The results are robust across different samples and methods, including a sub-sample of non-Western countries and a fixed-effect regression, indicating that changes in economic freedom within countries influence conflict risk.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001491#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["Botswana","Sierra Leone"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["empirical","quantitative","longitudinal"]},{"id":"prio-001496","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001496","title":"It Takes Two: A Dyadic Analysis of Civil War Duration and Outcome","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/3ebe4aa1-fbe6-4e22-ab92-2145cd56abe4/It Takes Two A Dyadic Analysis of Civil War Duration and Outcome.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The research argues that civil war dynamics are best understood as dyadic interactions between governments and specific rebel groups rather than through aggregate national characteristics. Using new data on non-state actors, the authors find that militarily strong rebels tend to fight shorter wars and are more likely to achieve decisive victories or concessions. Conversely, conflicts are prolonged when rebels are militarily weak but maintain territorial control in the periphery, as they can evade government repression without being strong enough to force a settlement. The study also indicates that the availability of legal political wings for rebels shortens conflict duration, and that the likelihood of government victory decreases significantly as a conflict persists.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001496#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"Rebel groups with stronger military capabilities, including high mobilization capacity and arms procurement, are associated with shorter conflict durations.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001496#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The presence of a legally recognized political wing for rebel groups increases the likelihood of conflict termination, independent of the state's overall level of democracy.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001496#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The probability of a government victory declines precipitously over time; after approximately 50 days, government victory becomes less likely than a 'low activity' outcome.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001496#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Decisive outcomes—such as rebel victory, government victory, or formal agreements—are more frequent when rebels are militarily stronger than or at parity with the government.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001496#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Conflicts involving multiple non-state actors (multiple dyads) tend to last longer than those with a single rebel group.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001496#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Democratic institutions alone do not necessarily shorten civil wars; the data shows a negative effect of democracy on the hazard rate of conflict termination.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001496#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Coup attempts are significantly shorter in duration than other types of civil conflicts.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001496#insight-7","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["Philippines","Colombia","Turkey","South Africa","Democratic Republic of the Congo","Chechnya","Papua New Guinea","Afghanistan"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["dyadic analysis","event history analysis","multinomial logit"]},{"id":"prio-001500","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001500","title":"Excluded Palestinians: Mediator Gatekeeping in the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"case study","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/60c03efc-8ccc-4954-a002-db3867cd0fb5/Jensehaugen - Excluded Palestinians Mediator Gatekeeping in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict - FAIR Case Brief 2.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The document argues that mediation gatekeeping—the process of defining the 'terms of reference' for who may participate in negotiations—has systematically excluded Palestinians, either as a whole people, as a political entity (the PLO), or as a specific political group (Hamas). It examines three phases: the 1940s UN-led armistice negotiations, the 1970s US-led diplomacy, and the 2000s Quartet demands. The author contends that while exclusionary formats can simplify processes or end specific bilateral conflicts, they often fail to address the core grievances of the conflict, thereby making long-term, sustainable peace more difficult to achieve.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001500#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"In the late 1940s, the United Nations established terms of reference that defined parties to the conflict as \"Governments,\" which effectively excluded Palestinians because they lacked an internationally recognized government.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001500#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"During the 1940s armistice negotiations, the UN mediator Ralph Bunche operated as a \"weak mediator\" who lacked the leverage to change the exclusionary structure already agreed upon by the UN.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001500#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"In the 1970s, the United States acted as a \"manipulative mediator\" and active gatekeeper by creating a framework that explicitly excluded the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO).","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001500#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The exclusionary nature of the 1970s US-led process resulted in a separate peace agreement between Israel and Egypt that, while ending that specific conflict, may have prolonged the broader Arab-Israeli and Israeli-Palestinian conflicts by reducing incentives for Israeli concessions.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001500#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"In the 2000s, the Quartet (UN, EU, USA, and Russia) implemented a \"ticket of admission\" mechanism that excluded Hamas from negotiations by demanding they first recognize Israel, renounce violence, and adhere to previous agreements.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001500#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The author concludes that while exclusionary mediation can simplify a process by reducing the number of actors, it is detrimental to sustainable peace because it removes the ability to address the core questions of the conflict.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001500#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["Gaza Strip","West Bank","Egypt","Jordan","United States"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["case study","normative analysis"]},{"id":"prio-001505","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001505","title":"‘Just’ Research","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/57195d7c-575a-46d5-903e-098d14072765/Just Research A Case Study of EU-funded Research with Experimental Artificial Intelligence Technology for Border Control.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","climate_tags","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The document examines the iBorderCtrl project, an EU-funded initiative that developed an AI-based 'lie detector' (ADDS) to identify deceitful third-country nationals at Schengen borders. The author argues that the project is not 'just research' but is driven by the securitisation of migrants, who are framed as security threats to justify the use of high-risk, experimental technology. The thesis finds that the project operated in a weakly regulated legal space where fundamental rights were treated as barriers rather than guiding principles. It further contends that migrants are treated as 'rights-optional' test subjects due to power imbalances and a lack of thorough ethical assessments, which the author describes as a 'rushed process'.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001505#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"The iBorderCtrl project was justified by the EU through the perceived need to manage migration, combat terrorism, and maintain a leading position in AI innovation, reflecting a 'securitised' view of migrants as threats.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001505#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The Automated Deception Detection System (ADDS) is based on scientifically contested assumptions that micro-expressions are universal indicators of deceit, leading critics to label it 'pseudo-scientific'.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001505#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The EU's proposed AI Act categorizes emotion detection and polygraphs used in migration and border management as 'high-risk AI systems', yet it does not explicitly prohibit them, which may indirectly legitimize their use.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001505#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"There is a systemic trend where third-country nationals and migrants are treated as viable test subjects for experimental technologies because they lack the same legal protections as EU citizens.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001505#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The ethical assessment process for iBorderCtrl was inadequate and rushed, contradicting the belief of some EU agencies that it was thoroughly conducted.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001505#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The project promotes 'digital externalisation' by moving border control processes to the traveler's home via automated interviews, potentially increasing the difficulty for asylum seekers to access the EU.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001505#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The use of machine learning in ADDS creates a 'black box' effect, making the reasoning behind automated decisions opaque and hindering the ability of travelers to seek redress.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001505#insight-7","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":["human rights"],"geography_discussed":["Hungary","Greece","Latvia"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["case study","legal analysis","ethical analysis","qualitative research"]},{"id":"prio-001506","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001506","title":"Justice during armed conflict: A new dataset on government and rebel strategies","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/6b139e81-28a9-4f2f-92e6-ac563715f2a1/Justice during Armed Conflict A New Dataset on Government and Rebel Strategies.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The authors present the During-Conflict Justice (DCJ) dataset, which catalogues 2,205 justice processes across 204 internal armed conflicts in 108 countries between 1946 and 2011. The research identifies that DCJ is a common tool, appearing in over 60% of conflicts since WWII, with governments being the primary adopters (70.4%). The study finds that democratic governments are more likely to use DCJ, particularly trials, truth commissions, and reparations, compared to autocracies. Rebel groups tend to use DCJ more frequently when fighting democracies and as their own relative military strength increases. Analysis suggests that government-initiated DCJ is correlated with a reduction in battle deaths in the following year and a higher likelihood of the conflict ending in a negotiated settlement rather than a military victory.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001506#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"The During-Conflict Justice (DCJ) dataset covers 2,205 justice processes across 204 internal armed conflicts in 108 countries from 1946 to 2011, revealing that over 60 percent of conflicts since the Second World War included at least one DCJ process.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001506#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Governments are the dominant users of DCJ, initiating 70.4% of all processes, while rebel groups are responsible for 10.3%. Rebels are more likely to employ trials, purges, and amnesties than capacity-intensive processes like reparations and truth commissions.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001506#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Democratic governments are more likely to utilize DCJ than anocracies or autocracies, particularly in the use of trials, truth commissions, and reparations to investigate and remedy wrongdoings involving civilians.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001506#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The use of trials has increased significantly since 1946, with a notable rise in the mid-1990s that exceeds the overall increase in the number of ongoing armed conflicts, aligning with the 'justice cascade' theory.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001506#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"There is an inverse relationship between rebel strength and government DCJ use; as rebels become stronger, government use of DCJ decreases. Conversely, rebel use of DCJ increases as they gain strength and capacity.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001506#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Government-initiated DCJ is associated with a decrease in conflict intensity; 38% of conflict years with government DCJ saw a reduction in battle deaths the following year, compared to 19% for years without such processes.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001506#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The likelihood of a conflict ending in a negotiated settlement doubles when the government initiates at least one DCJ process, while the likelihood of a military victory decreases from 37% to 23%.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001506#insight-7","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["Uganda","Sri Lanka","Thailand","Israel","Peru","Guatemala","Ethiopia","Bangladesh","India","Haiti","Angola","Liberia","Rwanda","Nepal","Middle East","Europe","Asia","Africa","Americas"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["quantitative analysis","dataset introduction","cross-national study"]},{"id":"prio-001507","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001507","title":"Gendering Violent Pluralism: Women’s Political Organising in Latin America","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/0069e790-5da5-4f35-b158-be5600ebd1d3/KB Sandvik 2018 Gendering Violent Pluralism_Womens Political Organizing in Latin America_Final_.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The author argues that the existing theory of 'violent pluralism' ignores the gendered nature of political violence in Latin America. By analyzing internally displaced women's organizations in Colombia and high-profile murders of activists in Brazil, El Salvador, Honduras, and Mexico, the paper identifies a three-pronged relationship: gendered violence as an obstacle to organizing, organizing as a response to violence, and organizing as a cause of further violence. The author highlights how states often 'privatize' the deaths of women activists by framing them as domestic or criminal rather than political.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001507#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"The author identifies a three-part relationship between gendered violence and political organizing: violence acts as a deterrent to mobilization, organizing emerges as a response to gendered violence, and the act of organizing itself triggers further gender-based violence.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001507#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Gendered violence serves as a barrier to activism through 'leadership-decapitation' and the use of sexualized threats, often delivered via mobile phones or social media, to exclude marginalized women of color from the public sphere.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001507#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Women's political organizing in Colombia, particularly among internally displaced persons (IDPs), often develops as a response to gendered violence and discrimination within mixed or male-led organizations, utilizing feminist consciousness-building and the documentation of threats to gain institutional credibility.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001507#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Political activism increases risk for women, leading some to adopt a 'low profile' (bajo perfil) to avoid visibility, though this can result in a decrease in organization membership.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001507#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"There is a systemic effort by states and media to 'privatize' the murders of women activists, reframing political assassinations as domestic 'passion tragedies', drug-related crimes, or personal failures to avoid recognizing the violence as political.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001507#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The author critiques the 'violent pluralism' framework for potentially erasing the efforts of non-violent actors and failing to account for how violence is gendered, which leads to an incomplete understanding of political violence in Latin America.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001507#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["Brazil","El Salvador","Mexico","Honduras","Guatemala"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["socio-legal research","feminist scholarship","theoretical critique"]},{"id":"prio-001510","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001510","title":"Kjønnsbasert vold i krig: Hvordan få god kunnskap og på hvilken måte?","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"no","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/6ef80b15-928b-4bb4-8b81-947120c0f9d9/Kjonnsbasert vold i krig Hvordan få god kunnskap og på hvilken måte.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed"],"summary":{"text":"The author examines the challenges of gathering data on sexual violence in war, noting that it is often used as a political tool to demoralize enemies and reinforce masculinity. The text highlights historical examples from Nanking, Berlin, Rwanda, and Bosnia to illustrate the systemic nature of these crimes. It argues that current data collection is hindered by victim stigma, lack of uniform definitions, and poor baseline data. To move from 'overview to insight,' the author suggests that researchers must analyze how sexual violence interacts with national and gender identities, noting that victims who view themselves as 'ethnic victims' often find more social support than those who view themselves as 'female victims.'","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001510#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"Sexual violence in war has evolved from being viewed as an unfortunate consequence of soldierly violence to being recognized as a deliberate part of the political strategy of war, where the female body is used as a battlefield to express revenge and spread fear.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001510#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Historical evidence shows widespread systemic sexual violence across various conflicts: Japanese forces used a 'comfort women' system of sexual slavery in Asia (affecting approximately 200,000 women, 80% of whom were Korean); Soviet forces in Berlin (1945) committed mass rapes with a prevalence estimated between 6% and 1 million victims; and the 1994 Rwandan genocide involved systematic sexual violence against Tutsi women.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001510#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Data collection on gender-based violence faces four primary challenges: victims' reluctance to speak due to shame or trauma, the lack of a uniform definition of 'sexualized violence' across organizations, the absence of pre-conflict baseline data for comparison, and the risk of creating 'hierarchies of rape' where only politically significant cases are prioritized.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001510#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The psychological and social recovery of victims in Bosnia depends heavily on how they categorize their trauma: those who define themselves as 'ethnic victims' often receive more family support because the violence is viewed as a political act rather than a result of personal behavior, whereas those who see themselves as 'female victims' often face greater stigma and fear of abandonment.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001510#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"International legal frameworks have progressed through the ad hoc tribunals for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and Rwanda (ICTR), and the permanent International Criminal Court (ICC), which have helped establish that rape can be a component of genocide and a breach of international humanitarian law.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001510#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["Bosnia and Herzegovina","Rwanda","China","Germany","Democratic Republic of the Congo","Sudan","Nicaragua","El Salvador","Sierra Leone","Liberia","Korea","Taiwan","Philippines","Indonesia","Myanmar","Thailand"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":[]},{"id":"prio-001511","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001511","title":"Klimakriger? En vurdering av det faglige grunnlaget","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"no","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/602f12bd-a624-41e3-8ed7-f15bb0b1f5b5/Klimakriger En vurdering av det faglige grunnlaget.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","climate_tags","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The authors examine the causal links between climate change and armed conflict, finding a significant gap between dramatic political claims of 'climate wars' and actual empirical data. They note a paradox where global warming has accelerated while the number of ongoing conflicts has declined. The paper outlines five potential mechanisms—political instability, social fragmentation, economic instability, migration, and unintended policy consequences—through which environmental stress might indirectly influence conflict, but concludes that these effects are heavily mediated by existing state capacity and socio-political conditions.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001511#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"There is a stark contradiction between political rhetoric regarding 'climate wars' and empirical evidence; while global temperatures have risen rapidly in recent decades, the total number of ongoing armed conflicts has significantly decreased.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001511#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Climate change is unlikely to be a direct cause of conflict but may act as a 'stress factor' that interacts with existing structural vulnerabilities such as poverty, ethnic polarization, and poor governance.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001511#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The authors identify five causal mechanisms linking climate change to conflict: 1) weakening state legitimacy through reduced public revenue, 2) elite exploitation of resource competition to fuel ethnic radicalization, 3) loss of income in subsistence economies increasing individual propensity for violence, 4) migration leading to resource competition in recipient areas, and 5) unintended consequences of climate policies (e.g., biofuels increasing food prices).","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001511#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Political stability is a critical mediator; consolidated democracies and strong autocracies are less susceptible to climate-induced conflict than 'half-democratic' regimes, which lack both the capacity to suppress opposition and the channels for peaceful expression.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001511#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Empirical studies on the link between rainfall/drought and conflict are inconsistent, with some showing a correlation in Sub-Saharan Africa and others finding that the effect disappears when controlling for temperature or when analyzed at a local level.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001511#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"There is a risk that the 'climate change' narrative is used by undemocratic regimes to evade responsibility for conflicts by attributing them to external environmental factors beyond their control.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001511#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":["climate change","natural disaster","climate migration","food security","biofuel"],"geography_discussed":["Africa","Sudan","Darfur","Kenya","Rwanda","Mexico","Norway","Bangladesh","Maldives"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["literature review","causal modeling","empirical evaluation"]},{"id":"prio-001520","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001520","title":"Defensoras de derechos humanos","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"report","language":"es","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/9bc2e7ad-5e52-4655-9bbc-1c82eb7e530d/Lemaitre et al 2014 Defensoras de Derchos Humanos JUSTICIA GLOBAL 9.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","climate_tags","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The report analyzes the relationship between human rights NGOs and the law in Colombia, specifically regarding forced displacement between 2002 and 2012. It proposes a typology of legal mobilization: 'appropriation' (strategic use of legal resources), 'adaptation' (weaving existing goals into new legal frameworks), and 'resistance' (proposing alternative frameworks outside dominant legal norms). Through three case studies, it details how Colemad fought 'legal dispossession' of land in the Atlantic coast, how the CNMI integrated indigenous cosmovisions and 'spiritual violence' into national legislation, and how COCA shifted from standard workshops to ancestral healing practices in Putumayo to address the psychological trauma of war. The text also highlights systemic challenges for these organizations, including precarious international funding, the 'privatization of social work,' and persistent insecurity from armed actors.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001520#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"The authors identify three 'ideal types' of how NGOs relate to legal frameworks: appropriation, where legal opportunities are used strategically; adaptation, where NGOs weave their own goals into dominant frameworks to grow; and resistance, where NGOs propose non-dominant frameworks and often marginalize themselves from official resources.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001520#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Colectivo Mujeres al Derecho (Colemad) focused on 'legal dispossession' (despojo legal) in the Atlantic coast, where the 1994 Agrarian Reform Law (Ley 160) was manipulated by officials and armed actors to force peasants into unpayable debts, allowing land to be auctioned off to private investors.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001520#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Colemad successfully influenced the Victims and Land Restitution Law (Ley 1448 de 2011) by lobbying the women's caucus in Congress to include an article that condones agrarian debts for victims of the armed conflict.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001520#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The Consejo Nacional de Mujeres Indígenas (CNMI) worked to integrate indigenous cosmovisions into law, successfully introducing the concept of 'spiritual violence' into Decree Law 4633 of 2011, which recognizes damage to sacred symbols as a means of cultural genocide.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001520#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Corporación Casa Amazonía (COCA) critiqued the 'standard' NGO workshop model as insensitive and ineffective for traumatized populations in Putumayo, shifting instead toward 'healing workshops' that use ancestral medicine, yagé, and rituals to treat the psychological wounds of war.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001520#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"NGOs in Colombia often experience a 'privatization of social work,' where they fill gaps in state services (health, legal aid, education) using erratic international funding that frequently fails to provide labor security or pensions for the workers.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001520#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Human rights defenders in Colombia face pervasive insecurity from multiple sources, including state security forces who suspect their political identities, illegal armed groups (paramilitaries and guerrillas) who view NGOs as threats to their social control, and interpersonal threats used to settle local disputes.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001520#insight-7","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":["human rights","indigenous rights"],"geography_discussed":["Barranquilla","Putumayo Department","Mocoa","Atlántico Department","Magdalena"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["case study","qualitative research","typology development"]},{"id":"prio-001525","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001525","title":"Listening to Peace Dimensions and Variations in the Implementation of the Final Peace Agreement in Colombia","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"report","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/1c5b5e62-90f7-4568-aee4-f7332983c447/Listening to Peace Dimensions and Variations in the Implementation of the Final Peace Agreement in Colombia.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","climate_tags","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The report presents findings from two survey rounds (2019 and 2021) involving over 11,000 citizens in 72 PDET municipalities. While general satisfaction with the Agreement's implementation increased from 36% in 2019 to 48% in 2021, the report identifies a 'story of contrasts.' Residents generally value the Agreement's content and specific tools like reincorporation and crop substitution, but perceive actual implementation as insufficient and unequal across subregions. Security conditions are viewed as deteriorating, and trust in ex-combatants remains very low, hindering reconciliation. The report emphasizes that tangible improvements in security, public works, and reparations are the primary drivers of satisfaction and trust in state institutions.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001525#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"General satisfaction with the implementation of the Peace Agreement rose from 36% in 2019 to 48% in 2021, though this trend was negative in the Catatumbo, Pacific Nariño, Middle Pacific, and Upper Patía-North Cauca subregions.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001525#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Perceptions of security have worsened, with the percentage of people reporting a deterioration in their community's security over the last 12 months increasing from 35% in 2019 to 43% in 2021.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001525#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"While 92% of respondents agree with reincorporation processes and 76% support state benefits for ex-combatants, deep mistrust persists, with 87% stating they do not trust FARC ex-combatants.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001525#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"There is strong support for the clarification of truth (68%) and the principle that victims must be redressed (89%), but only 26% believe the implementation of justice and reparation measures is satisfactory.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001525#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The PDET is viewed with hope, with 59% believing it will transform their territory, yet the perceived arrival of public works decreased from 35% in 2019 to 27% in 2021.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001525#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Crop substitution is widely supported (85%) and forced eradication is largely rejected (77%), but less than 20% of respondents believe substitution programs are on the right track.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001525#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Economic conditions in PDET regions deteriorated significantly due to COVID-19, with the percentage of people reporting a worsening economic situation doubling from 31.4% in 2019 to 63% in 2021.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001525#insight-7","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"There is a strong preference for a negotiated solution to the conflict with the ELN, with 86% of respondents favoring this approach, particularly in Arauca (96.4%), Chocó (95.7%), and Catatumbo (92.8%).","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001525#insight-8","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Public investment priorities for PDET residents are centered on health (51.9%), education (29.5%), and roads (14.1%).","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001525#insight-9","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Trust in state institutions remains low, with less than half of respondents trusting the President (23.4%), Congress (12.2%), or state institutions generally (29.5%), while the Catholic Church (61%) and the UN (over 40%) enjoy higher trust.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001525#insight-10","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":["deforestation","land tenure"],"geography_discussed":["Catatumbo","Pacific Nariño","Middle Pacific","Upper Patía-North Cauca","Urabá Antioqueño","Arauca Department","Chocó Department","South Córdoba","Montes de María","Macarena-Guaviare","Putumayo Department","South Tolima","Caguán Basin and Caquetá Foothills","Sierra Nevada-Perijá","Low Cauca and Northeast of Antioquia","South Bolívar"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["perception survey","longitudinal study","focus groups","econometric modeling"]},{"id":"prio-001528","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001528","title":"Logistics of Small Wars in British India: 1840s-1913","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/85e00db2-d819-4170-9219-03f59e9cf108/Logistics of Small Wars.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The document examines the hybrid logistical system developed by the British-Indian Army to conduct pacification campaigns in difficult terrains. It focuses on four key themes: the use of non-combatant manpower (coolies), the construction of strategic roads, the utilization of rivers and boats, and the deployment of various animals for transport. The author argues that the British integrated indigenous resources with imported management techniques to project power, creating a 'geo-bio power' framework that allowed them to maintain operational reach where tribal forces lacked logistical infrastructure.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001528#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"The British-Indian Army employed a hybrid logistical system that combined indigenous resources—such as local coolies, animals, and boats—with imported management tools and technology like steamers to sustain operations in frontier regions.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001528#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Non-combatant manpower, particularly coolies, was essential for transporting food and ammunition in roadless terrains. In some campaigns, such as the Chin-Lushai Expedition (1889-90), the number of non-combatants exceeded the number of combatants in the Chittagong Column.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001528#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The British strategically selected animals based on the ecology of the frontier: camels and mules were preferred for the dry, rugged North-West Frontier, while elephants were vital for the swampy, jungle terrain of the North-East Frontier.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001528#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Road construction was a primary security strategy after the 1857 Uprising, designed to allow the rapid movement of limited troops to danger zones. These roads were often built during campaigns by sappers, miners, and pioneers, though they required constant cavalry policing to prevent tribal raids.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001528#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Waterways were critical for logistics in North-East India, where the British used a mix of government steamers and hired native country boats (such as the 50-foot long khel nao) to move men and stores more cheaply and quickly than land transport.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001528#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"A significant logistical advantage for the British-Indian Army over tribal warbands was the ability to remain in the field for longer periods; while some tribes like the Abors could not stay in the field for more than 7 days, British logistics enabled operations for at least 15 to 20 days.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001528#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["Afghanistan","Myanmar","Punjab","Assam","Manipur"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["historical analysis"]},{"id":"prio-001534","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001534","title":"Making a difference in Mogadishu?","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/e9779055-8900-4fcf-aa6b-656e3bc84a3c/Making a difference in Mogadishu.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","climate_tags","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The research explores how young members of the Somali diaspora, specifically those born or raised in Norway and the United States, navigate their identities and civic participation. It challenges binary views of citizenship and integration, proposing 'multi-sited embeddedness' to describe how these individuals belong to and act within multiple communities simultaneously. The study finds that civic engagement is both a result of belonging and a tool used to claim inclusion in various national and local contexts.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001534#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"The author proposes the concept of 'multi-sited embeddedness' to replace binary frameworks of citizenship, arguing that belonging and civic action are intrinsically linked and often occur across local, national, transnational, and global scales.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001534#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Young Somali diaspora members often use civic engagement as a deliberate strategy to claim inclusion and membership in communities where they may otherwise feel excluded or perceived as 'other'.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001534#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Return to Somalia among this demographic is typically circular and temporary rather than permanent, with many individuals staying for less than three years.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001534#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Diaspora youth often experience a 'fluctuating sense of not belonging' in Somalia due to a lack of 'cultural stuff'—the subtle everyday cultural codes and knowledge possessed by locals.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001534#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Civic engagement for these individuals extends beyond formal political participation to include business investments, remittances, and challenging stereotypes through their presence in the public sphere.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001534#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"In Norway, young Norwegian-Somalis face exclusionary discourses where markers such as skin color and religion place them outside the perceived national 'we', despite their own feelings of being Norwegian.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001534#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":["climate migration"],"geography_discussed":["Mogadishu","Garowe","Hargeisa","Oslo","Minneapolis–Saint Paul","Somaliland","Puntland"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["qualitative research","interviews","focus groups"]},{"id":"prio-001535","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001535","title":"Mapping Business-Peace Interactions: Five Assertions for How Businesses Create Peace","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/34720ed4-b96d-458d-9454-534177e0fd8d/Mapping Business Peace Interactions.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","climate_tags","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The paper maps the disparate research and practice of 'business-peace' interactions into five core assertions: economic engagement creating a peace dividend, local development building peace capacities, importing international norms for accountability, constraining conflict drivers, and direct corporate diplomacy. While proponents argue these activities foster stability and development, critics warn of neo-colonial exploitation, 'peacewashing', and the risk of exacerbating local inequalities. The author concludes that business contributions are often limited by the willingness of local regimes and the priority of profit over courageous ethical choices in fragile contexts.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001535#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"The author proposes five assertions for how businesses facilitate peace: economic engagement creates a 'peace dividend'; local development builds local capacities for peace; importing international norms improves democratic accountability; firms can constrain the root causes of conflict; and direct diplomatic efforts with conflict actors can build or make peace.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001535#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Proponents of the 'peace dividend' (Assertion 1) argue that trade, economic growth, and financial injections provide the building blocks for development that cement peace, often drawing on liberal peace theory.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001535#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Critics of the 'peace dividend' approach argue that economic liberalization can be a form of neo-colonial exploitation and that large investments may corrupt local elites or intensify competition for resources.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001535#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Local development initiatives (Assertion 2), often operationalized through Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR), can reduce violence by empowering communities and providing inclusive employment, though critics argue CSR often lacks accountability and is used for reputational management.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001535#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The import of international norms (Assertion 3) aims to improve structural conditions for peace through transparency and anti-corruption standards, but the author notes that ethical withdrawal by one firm may simply leave a void for firms with lower standards to fill.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001535#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Businesses can attempt to constrain conflict drivers (Assertion 4) by stopping financial flows to conflict actors, such as through the Kimberley Process for diamonds or Conflict Free Minerals Initiatives in central Africa.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001535#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Corporate diplomacy (Assertion 5) involves direct engagement in peacemaking, such as mediating between warring parties or negotiating with rebel leaders to ensure operational access.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001535#insight-7","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The author argues that economic opening only produces as much peace as the local regime permits, and that businesses rarely make courageous choices to forego profit for peace unless pressured by external advocacy groups.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001535#insight-8","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"There is a risk of 'peacewashing', where firms promote peripheral CSR or philanthropy to mask operational harms or support for repressive regimes.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001535#insight-9","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":["economic development","extractive industry","Sustainable Development Goals"],"geography_discussed":["Nigeria","Angola","Liberia","Norway","Myanmar","Kurdistan","Afghanistan","Cyprus","Peru","Ghana","Dominican Republic","Sri Lanka","Sudan","Colombia","Congo","South Africa","Azerbaijan","Qatar","Papua New Guinea","Mozambique"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["theoretical framework","literature review"]},{"id":"prio-001538","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001538","title":"Cuestionario de la encuesta del proyecto MAPS","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"guide","language":"es","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/23985cfe-82f0-478b-b15f-2a8ad3576e34/MAPS_Jan2019_AT_instrument.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","climate_tags","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The document is a comprehensive survey instrument used by the MAPS project in Colombia. It gathers demographic data and assesses public trust in various institutions, including the national government, the police, and the United Nations. A significant portion of the survey focuses on the 2016 peace agreement between the Colombian Government and the FARC-EP, measuring satisfaction with its content and implementation, as well as perceptions of disarmament and reintegration. It also investigates the history of violence in local communities, the role of armed groups such as the ELN and AUC, and the effectiveness of transitional justice and victim reparations. Finally, it includes experimental sections to test respondent reactions to specific policy proposals attributed to different political or social actors.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001538#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"The survey assesses public trust across a wide range of national and local entities, including the President, the Senate and Chamber, the National Police, the Armed Forces, the Catholic Church, and the United Nations.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001538#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The instrument evaluates satisfaction and agreement regarding the 2016 peace agreement between the Colombian Government and the FARC-EP, specifically focusing on disarmament, the security of social leaders, and reparations for victims.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001538#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The survey collects data on the presence and influence of various armed groups in communities both before and after the 2016 peace agreement, including the FARC-EP, ELN, AUC, and BACRIM.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001538#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The questionnaire investigates the experiences of victims of the armed conflict, including forced displacement, kidnapping, and homicide, and whether these individuals are registered in the Single Registry of Victims (Registro Único de Víctimas).","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001538#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The survey includes a section on transitional justice, asking respondents about the appropriate punishment for former FARC members who committed human rights violations, ranging from full prison sentences to freedom in exchange for truth.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001538#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The document employs an experimental methodology (Experiment A and B) to measure how the attribution of a proposal to a specific entity (e.g., the Armed Forces vs. a general 'some people') affects the respondent's level of agreement on topics like forced coca eradication.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001538#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":["human rights"],"geography_discussed":[],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["survey instrument"]},{"id":"prio-001544","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001544","title":"Compounding Fragmentation","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"report","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/6cde910a-90c8-44ba-b747-f27c3f32fe37/Marsh Rolandsen Karssen Sandnes - Compounding Fragmentation - PRIO Paper 2020.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The report examines SFA in Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, and Somalia since 2010, finding that billions in spending have often been ineffective or counter-productive. It identifies a 'piecemeal approach' where multiple providers with diverging interests create fragmented security forces, undermining professional standards and civilian oversight. Case studies of Mali and Somalia highlight issues such as high personnel turnover, a focus on technical skills over ethics, and the diversion of equipment to illicit markets. The authors recommend long-term, coordinated partnerships based on detailed local capacity assessments to foster cohesion rather than fragmentation.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001544#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"Security Force Assistance (SFA) in the studied regions often proves ineffective or counter-productive because it contributes to political fragmentation within recipient states and their security forces.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001544#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"SFA providers frequently employ a piecemeal approach, implementing multiple programmes with diverging objectives that weaken the overall effectiveness and cohesion of the recipient's security forces.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001544#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The design of SFA programmes is often ill-suited for fragile states, relying on short-term, low-cost, and low-risk approaches that hinder quality assurance and the achievement of long-term goals.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001544#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"In Mali, EU training missions (EUTM and EU CAP) have been limited by short two-year mandates and high personnel turnover, preventing the development of long-term strategies and deep local knowledge.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001544#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"SFA in Mali has focused excessively on short-term technical and operational skills, neglecting the development of a professional military ethos and values necessary to defend civilian government.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001544#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"In Somalia, SFA has been undermined by a lack of unified doctrine among various international providers and severe issues with oversight, leading to the diversion of weapons to black markets.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001544#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"SFA in Somalia has sometimes exacerbated political fragmentation by supporting regional militias, which has led to violent confrontations between these groups and the central government.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001544#insight-7","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The operational environment of fragile states creates significant implementation hurdles, including high recruit illiteracy—estimated at 80% in some Somali assessments—and the use of 'coup proofing' strategies by authoritarian leaders to limit SFA effectiveness.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001544#insight-8","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Between 2010 and 2018, the US and EU spent approximately USD 5.2 billion on country-specific and regional SFA programmes covering the six studied states.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001544#insight-9","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["Norway","Libya","Nigeria","Ethiopia","Kenya"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["policy review","case study"]}]}