{"query_echo":{"q":"","filters":{"organization":["Peace Research Institute Oslo"]},"warnings":[]},"total":{"value":763,"relation":"eq"},"page":28,"page_size":20,"self":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/api/v1/search?organization=peace-research-institute-oslo&page=28","next":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/api/v1/search?organization=peace-research-institute-oslo&page=29","stability":"beta","ai_marking":{"digital_source_type":{"uri":"http://cv.iptc.org/newscodes/digitalsourcetype/trainedAlgorithmicMedia","name":"Created using Generative AI"},"notice":"Summary and key insights are generated using artificial intelligence."},"results":[{"id":"prio-001183","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001183","title":"Transnasjonal praksis","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"report","language":"no","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/67de6437-8f10-4d47-8de5-6b4daa3385e6/9788202899028_kap_37.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","climate_tags","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The text explores transnational practice as a spatial phenomenon where human actions and relationships stretch across national borders. It details key manifestations of this practice, including the economic impact of remittances, the symbolic and material role of transnational house building, and the political engagement of diasporas. The author argues that while these practices are central to the lives of migrants, digital technology has expanded transnational activity to a broader segment of the global population.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001183#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"Transnational practice refers to human actions and relationships that extend across geographical distances and national borders, ranging from everyday family interactions to collective political or religious mobilization.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001183#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"International remittances to private individuals in low- and middle-income countries are estimated to be three times the amount provided as official development assistance to those same countries.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001183#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Remittances serve diverse purposes beyond basic household expenses like food and electricity; they are used for debt repayment (including migration costs), education, private business investments, and improving family housing standards.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001183#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Transnational house building is a global phenomenon used by migrants to signal continued belonging to their place of origin, often funded through remittances for new construction, repairs, or urban property investments.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001183#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Diaspora politics involves state-regulated relations with citizens living abroad, covering issues such as voting rights, candidacy in elections, property ownership, and investment rules.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001183#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"While many countries allow dual citizenship, actual electoral participation by migrants in their countries of origin is often inconsistent due to technical barriers, registration requirements, or personal ambivalence regarding democratic legitimacy.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001183#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Digital tools, particularly smartphones and apps like WhatsApp, have intensified transnational social fields by making communication easy and free, extending transnational practices to people without a migration history through digital political mobilization or international organizational support.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001183#insight-7","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":["climate migration"],"geography_discussed":["Norway","United States","Oslo","Barcelona","Pakistan","Spain","Turkey"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["theoretical analysis","literature review"]},{"id":"prio-001184","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001184","title":"Samfunnsgeografenes forskningsmetoder","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"report","language":"no","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/27fb36f0-5cc9-476c-969c-a7a7fce6c868/9788202899028_kap_5 1.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","climate_tags","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The text outlines the methodological toolkit of human geographers, distinguishing between quantitative and qualitative approaches. It explains the use of text analysis (from social media to archives), quantitative data for causal inference and pattern recognition, GIS for spatial analysis, and qualitative tools such as semi-structured interviews and focus groups. Additionally, it covers the role of visual data (remote sensing and photography) and the importance of field presence through ethnography and observation.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001184#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"Human geography employs both quantitative and qualitative methodologies. Quantitative geographers use statistical analysis to draw conclusions for larger samples, while qualitative geographers focus on the meaning within smaller samples. The field also emphasizes spatial data sources, particularly Geographic Information Systems (GIS) and spatial analysis.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001184#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Text analysis in human geography ranges from discourse and narrative analysis of social media (such as Weibo) and archives to the study of planning documents. Modern tools and language models now allow for quantitative text analysis, such as sentiment analysis and word frequency, to map themes across space and time.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001184#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Quantitative methods are used to describe spatial patterns and investigate causal inference—identifying how a change in one variable leads to a change in another. This process requires 'operationalization,' which is the translation of abstract concepts (like quality of life) into measurable indicators.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001184#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Spatial data is analysed through three primary understandings of space: absolute space (coordinates and measurable distances), relative space (travel time and accessibility), and relational space (space created through social relations and practices).","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001184#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Conversation-based research includes life history interviews to capture personal geographies, semi-structured interviews (including elite interviews with corporate leaders), and focus groups to explore group dynamics and political distance.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001184#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Visual data is utilised through remote sensing (satellite and drone imagery) to monitor environmental change or conflict damage in inaccessible areas, as well as through photography and 'auto-photography,' where participants take their own photos to show their perspective of a place.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001184#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Presence-based strategies include ethnographic studies requiring long-term immersion in a culture, digital ethnography for online communities, and observational methods. Innovative techniques include 'walking interviews' (go-along interviews) to understand how physical landscapes influence social practice.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001184#insight-7","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":["remote sensing","urban planning","climate policy"],"geography_discussed":["Norway","Oslo","People's Republic of China","Africa","Ukraine","South Sudan","Uganda","United States","Canada","India","Mexico","Xalapa","Sydney","Ferghana Valley"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["methodological overview","educational guide"]},{"id":"prio-001185","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001185","title":"A Critical Analysis of Cultural Explanations for the Violence in Jonglei State, South Sudan","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/6f9b8089-1fcc-41ca-a0f8-87c7feb6da79/A Critical Analysis of Cultural Explanations for the Violence in Jonglei State South Sudan.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed"],"summary":{"text":"The paper argues that local violence in Jonglei State, South Sudan, is not primarily caused by secession, 'tribal' nature, inflated bridewealth, or Murle infertility. Instead, it attributes the insecurity to the militarisation of society during the civil war (1983-2005), the erosion of traditional conflict resolution mechanisms, and the government's failure to provide security and justice, which allows mass violence to occur with impunity.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001185#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"The claim that violence in Jonglei is a result of South Sudan's secession is incorrect, as widespread insecurity and violence existed in the post-war period since 2005. A significant shift occurred in 2009, where violence moved from cattle raiding to the targeting of women, children, and elders, resulting in over 1,200 civilian deaths and 26,000 displacements in Jonglei.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001185#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The 'modernisation of tribal warfare' theory is flawed because 'tribes' are largely colonial constructs and the current severity of violence is due to the civil war's militarisation of society rather than just the availability of modern weapons. The civil war eroded local conflict resolution mechanisms and the 'code of fighting ethics' that previously prevented large-scale killings of women and children.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001185#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"While cattle are looted and bridewealth costs may have increased due to oil money, inflated bridewealth is not a satisfactory explanation for the increase in violence. Post-2009 attacks target neighbouring communities rather than cattle per se, and the violence is driven by complex factors including revenge and the interests of political or economic actors.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001185#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The belief that child abductions are caused by low fertility rates or STDs among the Murle people is undocumented and lacks a proven causal relationship. Such abductions are part of a broader political economy of Sudan and are also carried out by other groups, such as Baggara Arab raiding parties.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001185#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The primary driver of the ongoing violence is the lack of regulating local institutions and the government's inability to provide security, which creates an opportunity for mass violence to occur with impunity. Furthermore, coercive 'counterinsurgency' by state security forces often exacerbates friction and encourages the formation of village protection units.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001185#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["Pibor County","Pigi County","Uror county","Sudan"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":[]},{"id":"prio-001187","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001187","title":"A Foreign Policy Actor of Importance? The Role of the Somali Diaspora in Shaping Norwegian Foreign Policy","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/71e8d423-26c0-4d48-a74a-84efe92d83f4/A Foreign Policy Actor of Importance The Role of the Somali Diaspora in Shaping Norwegian Policy towards Somalia.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The research explores the role of the Norwegian-Somali community as a foreign policy actor, bridging the gap between 'ethnic lobby' literature and transnational migration studies. Through interviews and case analysis, the authors argue that the diaspora successfully influenced Norway's shift to criticize Ethiopia's 2006-2007 military intervention in Somalia and encouraged the creation of the Special Financing Facility (Trust Fund) to support the Somali government. The study identifies key enabling factors for this influence, including the diaspora's concentration in urban centers like Oslo, their high level of political engagement, and their ability to provide Norwegian decision-makers with direct access to Somali political elites. However, the authors note that the diaspora is not a unitary actor, with significant internal divisions based on clan and region, such as the Somaliland diaspora's unsuccessful lobbying for independent state recognition.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001187#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"The Somali diaspora in Norway successfully influenced a shift in Norwegian foreign policy, leading the state to publicly criticize Ethiopia's military intervention in Somalia in 2006-2007.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001187#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Norwegian-Somalis influenced the decision to establish the Special Financing Facility (Trust Fund), a risky bilateral project to support the Somali government's financial needs, despite a general lack of trust from other international donors.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001187#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The diaspora's influence is amplified by their geographical concentration in urban centers, particularly Oslo, which increases their electoral significance for local politicians.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001187#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Norwegian decision-makers valued the diaspora's ability to act as bridge-builders, providing direct access and networks to political leaders within Somalia.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001187#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The Somali diaspora is not a monolithic group; it is fragmented by clan, sub-clan, and region of origin, leading to divergent political goals.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001187#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"While the diaspora can influence existing policy directions, they are unable to change fundamental state positions that conflict with Norway's strategic interests, such as the recognition of Somaliland as an independent state.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001187#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"A small number of Norwegian-Somalis gained significant influence by penetrating elite networks through senior positions in large NGOs, political parties, or research institutions.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001187#insight-7","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The relationship between the Norwegian state and the diaspora is reciprocal; the state's inclusive diaspora policies increased the group's resources and access, while the diaspora provided the state with intercultural competency and local networks.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001187#insight-8","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["Oslo","Nairobi","Mogadishu","Ethiopia","Somaliland","Puntland","United States","Stockholm"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["case study","qualitative analysis","theoretical framework development"]},{"id":"prio-001189","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001189","title":"A Plague of Initials: Fragmentation, Cohesion, and Infighting in Civil Wars","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/95cc7dc5-5018-453b-8ca6-4897f9c120e5/A Plague of Initials Fragmentation Cohesion and Infighting in Civil Wars.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The authors argue that fragmentation should be understood through three dimensions: the number of organizations, the degree of institutionalization, and the distribution of power. They hypothesize that extreme fragmentation across all three dimensions increases the likelihood of widespread, indecisive infighting, while cohesion—achieved through fewer organizations, stronger institutions, or concentrated power—reduces the probability of such violence. The paper illustrates these dynamics using cases from Darfur, Chechnya, and Sri Lanka.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001189#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"The authors conceptualize fragmentation as a multidimensional scale consisting of three constitutive dimensions: the number of organizations in a movement, the degree of institutionalization across those organizations, and the distribution of power among them.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001189#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Extreme fragmentation—defined by many organizations, weak institutional links, and dispersed power—is associated with a very high probability of violent infighting that is typically widespread, localized, and indecisive.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001189#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Reducing the number of organizations in a movement, while keeping other dimensions fragmented, lowers the probability of infighting, although any fighting that does occur is likely to be widespread and encompassing.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001189#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Increasing the degree of institutionalization reduces the probability of violent infighting by coordinating action and steering power struggles through non-violent channels; when violence does occur in such movements, it typically originates from new organizations challenging the structure or members defecting from it.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001189#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The concentration of power in a single dominant organization reduces the probability of infighting compared to extremely fragmented groups, and shifts the pattern of violence to localized but decisive engagements where the hegemon targets or fights select challengers.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001189#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"In the case of Darfur, the movement shifted from a few dominant organizations (SLA and JEM) to extreme fragmentation after 2006, leading to widespread but indecisive clashes between small splinter groups.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001189#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The Chechen nationalist movement demonstrated that high institutionalization (1990-1991) prevented significant infighting, but the subsequent dissolution of formal institutional ties led to a period of clashes between loyalists and opponents.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001189#insight-7","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The Tamil self-determination movement in Sri Lanka evolved from localized clashes between weak groups to a period of 'fratricidal bloodletting' as the LTTE concentrated power by eliminating rivals, eventually resulting in a reduction of infighting under LTTE dominance.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001189#insight-8","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["Darfur","Chechnya","Sri Lanka","Spain","Eritrea","Kosovo","Poland","South Africa","Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["conceptual framework","case study","hypothesis generation"]},{"id":"prio-001190","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001190","title":"A price worth fighting for? Natural resources and conflict recurrence","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/caece463-787d-4449-b8b3-26da280e511b/A Price Worth Fighting For Natural Resources and Conflict Recurrence.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","climate_tags","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The study analyzes 285 conflict episodes to determine how natural resources affect the duration of postconflict peace. It identifies three primary mechanisms: distribution, financing, and aggravation. The findings indicate that while natural resource conflicts generally show shorter peace periods bivariately, only conflicts driven by disagreements over the distribution of resources and revenues significantly increase the risk of recurrence in a multivariate analysis. This suggests that resource-related grievances are a more persistent driver of conflict relapse than the mere opportunity to finance warfare.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001190#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"Bivariate analysis shows that peace periods following conflicts linked to any natural resource mechanism are 41.4% shorter than those following non-resource conflicts.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001190#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"In a multivariate survival model, only conflicts characterized by the distribution mechanism—disagreements over the ownership or revenue of natural resources—significantly shorten the duration of postconflict peace.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001190#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The study refutes the hypothesis that conflicts financed by natural resources are significantly more likely to resume, challenging the theory that conflict recurrence is primarily driven by the feasibility of financing rebellion.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001190#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The aggravation mechanism, where resources indirectly fuel conflict through factors like pipeline proximity or environmental degradation, was not found to have a significant impact on peace failure.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001190#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The research identifies that natural resource conflicts are more likely to end without a clear resolution, as these mechanisms significantly reduce the probability of the conflict ending in a military victory.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001190#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Regional analysis reveals that resource distribution claims are most prevalent in South Asia, while the use of resources for financing is most common in East Asia and the Pacific, largely driven by cases in Burma.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001190#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The risk of peace failure is highest in the first 20 years following conflict termination, with the likelihood of peace continuing to hold increasing as the duration of the peace period grows.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001190#insight-7","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":["natural resource management","petroleum","natural gas","environmental degradation","desertification","drought"],"geography_discussed":["sub-Saharan Africa","South Asia","East Asia and the Pacific","Myanmar","Middle East and North Africa","Europe and Central Asia","Nigeria","El Salvador","Nepal","India","Senegal","Angola","Liberia","Sierra Leone","Mali","Nicaragua","Indonesia","Chad","Ethiopia","Republic of the Congo"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["quantitative","survival analysis","multivariate analysis"]},{"id":"prio-001192","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001192","title":"The African Union and coercive diplomacy: The case of Burundi","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/28c99fe9-eccf-4a2a-91e3-67cb7fc648c6/Accepted Manuscript- The African Union and Coercive Diplomacy- The Case of Burundi.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The document examines the African Union's (AU) unprecedented attempt to use military compellence against the government of Burundi in December 2015. After diplomatic efforts and targeted sanctions failed to stop violence against civilians, the AU Peace and Security Council (PSC) issued an ultimatum threatening a non-consensual military intervention under Article 4(h) of the AU Constitutive Act. The authors argue that this threat failed to materialise due to the Burundian government's strategic use of its status as a troop-contributing country, a lack of unity among AU member states, and a regional culture of autocracy where neighbouring leaders were reluctant to challenge the extension of presidential term limits.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001192#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"In December 2015, the AU Peace and Security Council (PSC) took the unprecedented step of threatening military intervention in Burundi without the government's consent, invoking Article 4(h) of the AU Constitutive Act to protect civilians.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001192#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The threat of intervention via the proposed African Protection and Prevention Mission in Burundi (MAPROBU) failed because the AU lacked a reputation for such actions, failed to maintain public unity, and faced significant legal and material hurdles.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001192#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The Burundian government successfully resisted the AU's coercive diplomacy by leveraging its role as a major contributor of peacekeepers to AU and UN operations, specifically AMISOM in Somalia.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001192#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Regional dynamics within the East African Community (EAC) undermined the AU's efforts, as neighbouring autocrats were unwilling to set a precedent against the extension of presidential term limits.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001192#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The AU's approach to the Burundi crisis followed a gradual escalation of conflict management tools, moving from preventive diplomacy and special envoys to targeted sanctions before attempting coercive military threats.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001192#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["Somalia","Tanzania","Uganda","Rwanda","Kenya","Democratic Republic of the Congo","Chad","The Gambia","Comoros","Libya","Central African Republic"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["case study"]},{"id":"prio-001193","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001193","title":"Accounting for Numbers: Group Characteristics and the Choice of Violent and Nonviolent Tactics","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/4278c772-992b-491e-87d3-304ceaf190fe/Accounting for numbers Group characteristics and the choice of violent and nonviolent tactics.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The research argues that nonviolent tactics are relatively more effective only when a movement can mobilize a sufficiently large number of participants, creating a 'mobilization advantage'. Conversely, movements with limited audiences or resources—such as ethnic secessionists or those based in rural peripheries—often find violent tactics more feasible. Using data from NAVCO 2.0, UCDP, and SRDP, the authors demonstrate that nonviolent campaigns typically have much higher participation rates and are more frequent in urbanized non-democracies, while violent conflicts are more common in rural areas and among smaller, territorially focused groups.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001193#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"Nonviolent tactics provide a strategic advantage only when a movement has a large potential audience and sufficient resources to mobilize a high number of active participants, whereas movements with limited mobilization potential may find violence more feasible.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001193#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"There is a stark difference in the scale of active participation between the two strategies: nonviolent campaigns have a median participation rate of 100,000 people, while the median rebel troop estimate for violent armed conflicts is only 4,000.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001193#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The geographic and demographic profiles of the two types of dissent differ significantly; nonviolent mobilization is most frequent in capital cities and urbanized areas, while violent mobilization is typically confined to the periphery.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001193#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Empirical analysis shows that nonviolent campaigns are more likely to occur in non-democracies with large urban populations, whereas the likelihood of violent civil conflict is highest in rural non-democracies.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001193#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The type of incompatibility influences the choice of tactic: governmental incompatibilities (e.g., regime change) are more likely to result in nonviolent mobilization, while territorial incompatibilities (e.g., secession) are more likely to lead to violence.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001193#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"For ethnic self-determination groups, the likelihood of employing nonviolent strategies increases more rapidly with the size of the ethnic group than the likelihood of using violence.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001193#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Initial strategic choices are generally stable, with fewer than 10% of campaigns in independent states changing their primary strategy.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001193#insight-7","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":[],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["theoretical modeling","empirical analysis","comparative study"]},{"id":"prio-001194","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001194","title":"ACHIEVING A GENDERED TRANSFORMATION OF THE POST-CONFLICT MILITARY THROUGH SSR: UNPACKING THE PRIVATE-PUBLIC DYNAMICS","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/a4be5ff8-2173-447f-97e5-0506a09f1c65/Achieving a gendered transformation of the post-conflict military through security sector reform unpacking the private-public dynamics.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","climate_tags","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The author contends that traditional Security Sector Reform (SSR) fails to erase gender hierarchies in the military because it focuses exclusively on the public sphere. By analyzing interviews with soldiers in Burundi and South Africa, the paper identifies three 'societal borders'—resistance to women in combat, the role of women as primary caregivers, and perceived male superiority—that originate in the private sphere and perpetuate exclusion and discrimination in the public military environment. The author proposes a 'radical' SSR model that integrates private experiences, such as addressing domestic violence and regulating parental leave, to achieve genuine gender equality.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001194#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"Traditional Security Sector Reform (SSR) programs often focus on 'gender balancing and gender mainstreaming within the existing structures' but fail to transform the underlying structures that maintain gender hierarchies and the invisibility of women.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001194#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"A 'male default mode' persists in military institutions, manifesting in both discourse and material infrastructure. In Burundi, this is evident in initiation rites requiring hair shaving, oversized uniforms, and a lack of separate toilets and showers for women.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001194#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Societal expectations regarding childcare in the private sphere create significant barriers for female soldiers. In South Africa, female soldiers report high stress regarding childcare during deployments, while male colleagues do not share these concerns due to the assumption that mothers remain the primary caregivers.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001194#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"There is a 'continuum of violence' where 'ordinary' private violence (such as domestic abuse) and 'extraordinary' public violence are linked. The author notes that military authoritarianism and the command of weapons can increase the risk of domestic violence in the private sphere.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001194#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The level of female integration varies significantly between the two case studies: the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) increased female membership from 11% in 1994 to over 23% in 2015, whereas in Burundi, the number remained under 1%.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001194#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"To achieve a transformative gendered SSR, the author suggests specific measures that bridge the public-private divide, including strengthening laws against domestic violence, vetting military personnel for histories of domestic violence, and implementing regulated maternity and paternity leave.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001194#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":["gender mainstreaming"],"geography_discussed":["Sweden","United States","Denmark"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["case study","theoretical argument","qualitative research"]},{"id":"prio-001196","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001196","title":"Actor Fragmentation and Civil War Bargaining: How Internal Divisions Generate Civil Conflict","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/1f4c7b40-c3c6-47af-a139-e6a9a11146a7/Actor Fragmentation and Civil War Bargaining How Internal Divisions Generate Civil Conflict.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The research argues that the 'unitary actor assumption' in civil war studies overlooks the critical role of internal fragmentation. By analyzing self-determination movements from 1960 to 2005, the author finds that movements with more internal factions are significantly more likely to experience the onset of civil war and to remain in active conflict. This is attributed to the fact that multiple factions create uncertainty for states regarding the movement's preferences and capabilities, and make it difficult for any single faction to provide a credible commitment to a settlement.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001196#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"Internal divisions within opposition movements increase the probability of civil war onset because they exacerbate information problems and uncertainty for states regarding what concessions would satisfy the movement.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001196#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Fragmented opposition movements face significant credible commitment problems because factions often act independently and lack political institutions to regulate their interactions or ensure compliance with agreements.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001196#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Empirical analysis of self-determination movements between 1960 and 2005 shows that more fragmented movements are significantly more likely to see the onset of civil war and to be engaged in active conflict in any given year.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001196#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The impact of fragmentation is substantively large: moving from the minimum to maximum values of the logged number of factions leads to a 23% increase in the probability of civil war onset and a 37% increase in the likelihood of being in civil war in a given year.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001196#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The assumption that opposition movements are unitary is empirically inaccurate; over 90% of the studied self-determination movements exhibited internal divisions at some point, and 85% experienced changes in the number of factions over time.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001196#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Including opposition fragmentation in predictive models of civil war onset increases the area under the curve (AUC) from 0.63 to 0.70, indicating a significant gain in predictive power.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001196#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["Ethiopia","Myanmar","Syria","Georgia","Northern Ireland","Spain","South Africa","Algeria","Timor-Leste","Indonesia","Italy","Austria","Niger","India"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["quantitative analysis","theoretical modeling"]},{"id":"prio-001197","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001197","title":"After ethnic civil war: Ethnonationalism in the Western Balkans","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/af4f3482-b0dc-47b3-aef4-71744dc797ce/After ethnic civil war Ethno-nationalism in the Western Balkans.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed"],"summary":{"text":"The study examines whether ethnic civil war increases ethnonationalism and if direct exposure to violence strengthens these attitudes. Using data from 1989 and 2003, the author finds that while ethnonationalism increased significantly in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Croatia, it remained stable in Kosovo and Macedonia. Individual war exposure only significantly increased ethnonationalism in Croatia, suggesting that the relationship between conflict and nationalism is context-dependent rather than deterministic.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001197#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"Ethnonationalism did not universally increase following ethnic civil war; while it rose significantly in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Croatia, it showed no change in Kosovo and Macedonia.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001197#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"In Bosnia-Herzegovina, the increase in ethnonationalism was particularly pronounced, with the country shifting from having very low prewar levels to being quite nationalist.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001197#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Kosovo exhibited high levels of ethnonationalism both before and after the conflict, which the author suggests may be due to a 'ceiling effect' where attitudes were already so polarized by 1989 that they could not increase further.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001197#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Direct individual exposure to war-related violence (defined as having a close friend or family member killed or disappeared) only had a statistically significant positive effect on ethnonationalism in Croatia.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001197#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"In Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo, there was no significant difference in ethnonationalist attitudes between individuals who were directly exposed to violence and those who were not.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001197#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The author hypothesizes that the lack of individual-level variance in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo may be because the violence was so widespread and indiscriminate that the entire population experienced fear and insecurity, regardless of direct personal loss.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001197#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Ethnonationalism increased even in countries that did not experience civil war on their own territory, such as Montenegro, Serbia, and Vojvodina, suggesting a spatial contagion or 'neighborhood effect'.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001197#insight-7","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Religiosity was found to be a statistically significant determinant of ethnonationalist attitudes, with more religious individuals reporting stronger nationalist views.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001197#insight-8","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["Serbia","Montenegro","Slovenia"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":[]},{"id":"prio-001200","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001200","title":"Catalan Sovereignty in Practice","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/24b65e08-c26c-49e6-a6fa-4275c12a0639/Alcalde Aguiar - Catalan Sovereignty in Practice PRIO Paper 2017.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed"],"summary":{"text":"The document examines the rise of the Catalan independence movement and the 2014 non-binding referendum, arguing that the event was a performance of 'simulated sovereignty' because it lacked legal recognition and resulted in judicial action by the Spanish state. It details the historical, economic, and political drivers of the movement, the results of the 2014 vote, and the subsequent political polarization leading toward a planned 2017 referendum.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001200#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"The authors characterize the 9 November 2014 Catalan referendum as a 'performance of simulated sovereignty' because it was not grounded in a recognized political process and was deemed illegal by Spanish authorities.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001200#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Support for Catalan independence grew significantly over time; while slightly above 10% of the population favored independence a decade prior to the paper's writing, by November 2014, nearly 80% of Catalans supported holding a referendum on self-determination.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001200#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Economic grievances drive the independence movement, specifically the perception that the Spanish central government under-invests in Catalonia despite the region representing approximately 20% of Spain's GDP, leading to the slogan 'Espanya ens roba' (Spain steals from us).","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001200#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The 2014 referendum resulted in 2,305,290 votes cast according to the Catalan government, with 80.8% supporting the 'Yes–Yes' option (wanting Catalonia to become a state and for that state to be independent).","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001200#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The Spanish state exercised 'real sovereignty' following the 2014 vote by initiating legal action against Catalan President Artur Mas and two counsellors for organizing the illegal referendum.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001200#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Political polarization in Catalonia increased following the 2014 referendum, with the September 2015 elections centering on a single fault line of independence versus remaining in Spain, resulting in pro-independence parties (Junts pel Si and CUP) capturing 48% of the votes.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001200#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["Barcelona","Tarragona","Lleida","Girona","Basque Country","Navarre","Andalusia","Extremadura"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":[]},{"id":"prio-001202","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001202","title":"‘All people living in Norway could become Norwegian’: How ordinary people blur the boundaries of nationhood","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/cd561647-ebff-4235-b43e-ac9690a4e742/All people living in Norway could become Norwegian How ordinary people blur the boundaries of nationhood.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"Based on 60 semi-structured interviews conducted in 2015, the study finds that individuals are inconsistent in how they define the boundaries of Norwegian nationhood, often drawing on different symbolic resources depending on the time, place, and their personal circumstances. While boundaries appear clear when they are actively produced, the uncertainty of when and why they emerge blurs the overall perception of a fixed national boundary. The author argues that boundary-making is a contingent event influenced by socioeconomic status and the distinction between public and private spheres, suggesting that nationhood's boundaries are permeable rather than stable.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001202#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"Individuals demonstrate inconsistency in producing and reproducing boundaries of nationhood, often showing a mismatch between their normative perceptions and their everyday experiences.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001202#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Boundary-making is identified as a contingent event, meaning it is not constant but occurs at specific times and places with an inherent uncertainty regarding if or why a boundary will be produced.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001202#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Socioeconomic circumstances can influence the production of national boundaries; for example, financial struggle may lead an individual to draw a boundary between themselves and refugees based on perceived entitlement to resources, despite holding inclusive views of nationhood in general.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001202#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The production of nationhood boundaries varies across public and private dimensions, with some individuals maintaining different standards of belonging in their professional roles compared to their private lives.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001202#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Symbolic resources used to define 'Norwegianness' include ancestry, cultural practice, citizenship, whiteness, language, and contribution to society, but these are not constant markers for all individuals.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001202#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"All individuals living within a shared national space contribute to the reproduction of nationhood boundaries, regardless of their own background or whether they identify as nationals.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001202#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["Oslo"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["qualitative research","semi-structured interviews","case study"]},{"id":"prio-001208","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001208","title":"Layout 1","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"report","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/2fe8ecb3-41ea-44d7-bebd-8bc5e7fb978a/An Overview of Events and Perceptions.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","climate_tags","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The document details the history of displacement in Cyprus, starting from the 1950s and culminating in the 1974 division of the island, which left over 220,000 people dispossessed. It examines the divergent property policies of the Republic of Cyprus and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, the role of the European Court of Human Rights in adjudicating property claims, and the emotional and psychological impact on displaced Greek and Turkish Cypriots. Findings from focus groups indicate a growing sense of realism and pessimism regarding the possibility of return, with many displaced persons now favoring compensation or exchange over restitution due to the passage of time and the establishment of new lives in their current locations.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001208#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"Over a twenty-year period, more than 220,000 Cypriots were displaced and lost their properties due to inter-communal violence in the 1950s and 1960s, and the war and division of the island in 1974.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001208#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The Turkish Cypriot administration implemented a 'points' system to allocate abandoned Greek Cypriot properties to 'entitled' individuals, including refugees from the south, victims of conflict, and Turkish immigrants who settled before 1982.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001208#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The Republic of Cyprus appointed the interior minister as the 'custodian' of Turkish Cypriot property in the south, leasing most of these properties to Greek Cypriot displaced persons or public organisations.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001208#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The European Court of Human Rights initially ruled that Greek Cypriots remain the legal owners of their properties in the north and that Turkey is responsible for violations of property rights, but later recognized the Immovable Property Commission (IPC) as an effective domestic remedy.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001208#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Focus group discussions with Greek Cypriots revealed that visiting the north since 2003 has often acted as a 'reality-check,' making many less keen to return and more likely to accept compensation.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001208#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Turkish Cypriot displaced persons generally view their resettlement in the north as permanent and are largely pessimistic about the viability of living together again with Greek Cypriots due to safety concerns.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001208#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"There is widespread frustration and cynicism among displaced persons on both sides regarding the lack of transparency and progress in the UN-sponsored inter-communal negotiations.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001208#insight-7","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"While Greek Cypriots generally prefer restitution followed by compensation, Turkish Cypriots primarily support solutions based on exchange and compensation.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001208#insight-8","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":["human rights"],"geography_discussed":["Turkey","Greece","Nicosia","Larnaca District","Limassol","Paphos District","Famagusta District","Kyrenia","Morphou"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["historical analysis","legal analysis","sociological analysis","qualitative research"]},{"id":"prio-001209","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001209","title":"andersen-2011-globalisation-for-dummies-99219cca1af7548d.pdf","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/af08fddb-4b1b-4e0b-ba34-aa70dc93cb4b/Andersen 2011 Globalisation for Dummies.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","climate_tags","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The author argues that while globalisation drives unprecedented economic growth through comparative advantage and market efficiency, it creates a 'race to the bottom' where nations compete for volatile capital by slashing corporate taxes and deregulation. This process potentially erodes public funding for welfare, labour protections, and environmental standards. While the author finds evidence of a downward trend in global corporate tax rates, they note that reputational risks and NGO watchdogs may moderate the degradation of labour and environmental standards. The document concludes that managing these negative effects requires stronger, more democratic global governance, including the potential creation of a World Tax Authority and an International Financial Stability and Harmonisation Authority.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001209#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"Globalisation is driven by market demand for better goods and services and is characterized by 'interconnectedness', including cultural uniformisation, borderless communication, and a global labour market.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001209#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The 'race to the bottom' theory posits that because capital is volatile, governments are incentivized to reduce corporate taxes and deregulation to remain competitive and attract foreign investment, leading to a global downsizing of public sector revenue.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001209#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Empirical data from the OECD indicates a significant decline in average corporate tax rates, falling from approximately 45% to less than 30% over 20 years, with 24 out of 30 OECD countries lowering rates between 2000 and 2005.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001209#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"While tax competition drives down direct corporate taxes, indirect taxes (such as VAT) have remained relatively stable or broadened, which the author suggests is socioeconomically suboptimal as consumption taxes distort market demand more than corporate profit taxes.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001209#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The degradation of labour and environmental standards is partially mitigated by the risk of reputational damage to multinational corporations and the watchdog role of NGOs and media.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001209#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Existing global institutions like the UN, IMF, and World Bank suffer from a 'democratic deficit' and are accused of prioritizing the interests of wealthy nations and market liberalization over the needs of the poor.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001209#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The author proposes the creation of a global income tax collection authority to prevent tax avoidance on cross-border electronic labour services, which currently causes 'brain-drain' and underfunding in poor countries.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001209#insight-7","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"An International Financial Stability and Harmonisation Authority is suggested to monitor global financial health, identify systemic risks (like the 2008 US real estate bubble), and standardize reporting (preferring IFRS over GAAP).","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001209#insight-8","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":["environmental protection","climate finance"],"geography_discussed":["European Union","United States","Canada","Norway","Portugal","Singapore","Japan","Malaysia","Taiwan","Switzerland","Qatar","Dubai","United Arab Emirates","Nigeria","Indonesia","Philippines","Sri Lanka","Cayman Islands","British Virgin Islands","Ireland","Greece"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["theoretical framework","empirical assessment","policy recommendation"]},{"id":"prio-001211","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001211","title":"Anticipatory tribalism: accusatory politics in the ‘New Gambia’","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/cf730b2c-7f49-49ec-b677-63225b347c9e/Anticipatory tribalism accusatory politics in the New Gambia.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The research examines the transition from Yahya Jammeh's autocracy to the 'New Gambia' under President Adama Barrow, noting a surge in public accusations of 'tribalism'. The authors argue that these accusations are 'anticipatory and speculative', driven by fears of future ethnic monopolies on power rather than current organised mobilisation. Historically, Gambian politics has largely downplayed ethnicity, with the exception of the late Jammeh era where he used anti-Mandinka rhetoric. In the 'New Gambia', the discourse focuses on the moral character of political actors, where accusing an opponent of tribalism serves to delegitimise them as 'indecent' or 'uncivilised'. The authors conclude that while ethnic identification exists in daily life and is linked to livelihoods, it remains a marginal tool for formal political power compared to the potent use of tribalist slurs as a meta-political weapon.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001211#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"The authors propose the concept of 'anticipatory tribalism', where political discourse is driven by the 'recognition of the potential for a tribalist future' and fears that specific groups will monopolise power, rather than by actual present-day ethnic mobilisation.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001211#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Accusations of tribalism in The Gambia function as a 'meta-politics' used to delegitimise political opponents by framing their claims as 'indecent' and 'uncivilised', thereby delineating the boundaries of moral political decency.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001211#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Despite frequent public allegations of 'tribalism' in media and social media, organised political mobilisation on ethnic grounds remains 'marginal' in The Gambia.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001211#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"During the final years of his presidency, Yahya Jammeh shifted from a policy of downplaying ethnicity to using inflammatory anti-Mandinka rhetoric, describing Mandinka as 'foreigners' and threatening to 'wipe you out'.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001211#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The 'New Gambia' under President Adama Barrow has maintained a legal silence on ethnicity, with key documents like the Truth, Reconciliation, and Reparations Commission Act 2017 and the Constitutional Review Commission Act 2017 avoiding ethnic quotas or specific ethnic variables.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001211#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Ethnic identities in The Gambia are described as 'permeable' and 'mutable', often intersecting with livelihoods, caste, and regional divides rather than forming rigid, mutually exclusive political blocs.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001211#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The 2016 presidential election results suggest that ethnic appeals were largely unsuccessful, as the electoral map was 'scrambled' and Jammeh won in many Mandinka-speaking areas, despite his anti-Mandinka rhetoric.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001211#insight-7","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"In the post-Jammeh era, accusations of tribalism are often directed at the Jola and APRC by their opponents, and at the UDP and Mandinka by their opponents, often linked to suspicions of power monopolisation.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001211#insight-8","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["Senegal","Mali","Nigeria","Burundi","Rwanda","Botswana","Zimbabwe","Kenya"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["political analysis","ethnographic research","historical analysis"]},{"id":"prio-001213","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001213","title":"Armed Conflict and Post-Conflict Justice, 1946–2006: A Dataset","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/a68f71c1-5c51-42f6-957e-ad4314e77750/Armed Conflict and Post-Conflict Justice 1946-2006.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The authors present a dataset of 357 armed conflict episodes (1946–2006) to track post-conflict justice (PCJ) processes. PCJ is defined as any process initiated within five years of a conflict's end to address wrongdoings. The dataset identifies six primary tools: trials, truth commissions, reparations, amnesties, purges, and exiles. Preliminary analysis shows that the choice of justice mechanism is influenced by conflict intensity, incompatibility (territorial vs. government control), and the type of termination (victory vs. bargained solution). For instance, trials are more frequent after decisive victories, while amnesties are more common after bargained solutions and in high-intensity civil wars.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001213#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"The dataset covers 357 armed conflict episodes from 1946 to 2006, identifying 272 post-conflict justice processes related to 173 different conflict episodes. Approximately 53% of post-conflict societies implement at least one PCJ tool, and 22% implement two or more.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001213#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Trials are the most common PCJ process, with domestic trials being the most frequent. Of the 78 trial processes recorded, 45% involved executions and 12 cases were identified as breaches of justice, such as show trials.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001213#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Amnesties are frequent in post-conflict societies, with 92 cases recorded. Most are granted unconditionally, often as part of peace agreements, and are frequently extended to the losing party as a means to bargain for peace.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001213#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Conflict intensity significantly influences the choice of justice mechanism. Only 17% of civil wars (defined as having at least 1,000 battle deaths) resulted in trial processes, whereas nearly one-third of low-intensity conflicts (fewer than 1,000 battle deaths) did. Civil wars also lead to more amnesties.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001213#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The method of conflict termination affects PCJ selection: trials are more frequent after decisive victories (47% of cases), while amnesties are most common after bargained solutions (45% of cases). Purges and exiles are also more prevalent following military victories.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001213#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Conflicts fought over government control are more likely to result in the implementation of PCJ processes than those fought over territorial disputes.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001213#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["Sierra Leone","Rwanda","Liberia","Chile","Argentina","Azerbaijan","South Yemen","Saudi Arabia","Democratic Republic of the Congo","Equatorial Guinea","Papua New Guinea","Iran","Russia","People's Republic of China","Nicaragua","Gabon"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["dataset introduction","descriptive statistics","comparative analysis"]},{"id":"prio-001215","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001215","title":"ARMS TRAFFICKING","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/daac7355-1126-465d-9e05-b62b4053ebe8/Arms trafficking.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The document analyzes the illicit arms trade, categorizing it into semi-legal, state-sanctioned, and wholly illicit flows. It argues against the 'amorphous image' of easy global access to weapons, asserting instead that supply and demand are geographically and temporally variable. The authors detail how weapons are diverted from legal stocks, the role of illicit pricing as an indicator of supply constraints, and the multi-level governance structures—societal, national, and international—used to counter trafficking. It also evaluates international instruments like the Arms Trade Treaty and the UN Programme of Action, noting the challenges posed by state complicity and capacity gaps in developing nations.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001215#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"The authors challenge the 'amorphous image'—the belief that illicit arms are ubiquitously and easily available worldwide—arguing instead that \"Arms trafficking is usually local, and closely linked to regional economies of conflict or organized violence.\"","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001215#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The arms trade is classified into four categories: authorized trade (fully legal), semi-legal trade (partially authorized, often exploiting loopholes), state-sanctioned illicit trade (direct government complicity as a foreign policy tool), and wholly illicit trade (entirely unlawful).","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001215#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Most trafficked weapons are not produced illicitly but are diverted from legal sources, such as theft or illicit sale from government stockpiles, after being lawfully manufactured.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001215#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Illicit arms are generally expensive, with an average global price for an illicit assault rifle of USD 1,489 (constant 2010 dollars), though prices vary wildly by region; for example, in 2004, prices in Iraq were approximately USD 160 compared to USD 2,200 in Israel/Palestine.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001215#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"State-sanctioned illicit trade can involve massive scale; the CIA-led 'Timber Sycamore' program supplying anti-Assad groups in Syria from 2013 to 2017 reportedly cost the US about USD 1 billion per year, with additional billions from Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and Turkey.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001215#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"International efforts to counter trafficking are hindered by a 'patchwork' of inconsistent laws and the fact that some states, particularly permanent members of the UN Security Council, use arms trafficking as a foreign policy tool, thereby undermining global prevention efforts.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001215#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["United States","Mexico","Haiti","Iraq","Israel/Palestine","Syria","Saudi Arabia","Qatar","Turkey","Colombia","United Kingdom"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["theoretical analysis","literature review","case study analysis"]},{"id":"prio-001218","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001218","title":"Artisanal mining, conflict, and sexual violence in Eastern DRC","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/d9b0068f-c277-41ce-b155-32645b8a8242/Artisanal mining conflict and sexual violence in Eastern DRC.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The study finds that women living near ASM sites in Eastern DRC are more likely to experience both intimate partner sexual violence and sexual violence by others. This risk is particularly acute for women in North Kivu, South Kivu, and Maniema living near mines controlled by armed actors.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001218#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"Women residing in close proximity to artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) activities in Eastern DRC face a higher likelihood of experiencing sexual violence from both intimate partners and non-partners.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001218#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"In the provinces of North Kivu, South Kivu, and Maniema, there is a highly significant correlation between living near ASM sites controlled by armed actors (including government forces, rebels, or militias) and an increased risk of sexual violence by non-partners.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001218#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The risk of sexual violence by non-partners is substantially higher for women living closest to armed actor-controlled mines in the most conflict-affected areas; the risk increases from 5.7% for those furthest away (90th percentile) to 16.2% for those closest (10th percentile).","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001218#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The study found no evidence to support the hypothesis that women who both live near ASM sites and work outside the home are more likely to experience sexual violence.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001218#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"While proximity to any mine increases risk, the specific link between armed actor-controlled mines and sexual violence was not statistically significant when analyzed across Eastern DRC as a whole, only when restricted to the Kivus and Maniema.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001218#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["North Kivu","South Kivu","Maniema","Katanga Province","Oriental"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["quantitative analysis","spatial analysis","logistic regression"]},{"id":"prio-001236","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001236","title":"Belonging and becoming in academia: a conceptual framework","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/5ef17869-5fa0-4b17-b9ce-7bc6405d4c73/Belonging and becoming in academia a conceptual framework.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights"],"summary":{"text":"The paper explores the internal and social journey of doctoral students as they transition from students to scholars. It highlights the 'liminality' of this process and the specific barriers faced by non-traditional students, such as mature professionals and international distance learners. The authors argue that academic identity is fluid and shaped by the intersection of personal identity, institutional hierarchies, and individual agency.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001236#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"The transition to becoming a scholar is characterized by 'liminality', a state of being 'betwixt and between' where students are no longer just students but not yet scholars. This period often involves intellectual confusion and a struggle to adapt previous study habits to the demands of doctoral research.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001236#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Certain groups are more vulnerable to struggles with academic belonging, specifically non-traditional students returning after years of professional expertise who may feel their experience is treated as irrelevant, and students from different cultural or linguistic backgrounds adjusting to unspoken norms.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001236#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Institutional hierarchies in universities prioritize academic publishing in high-ranking journals over teaching, which can marginalize students in professional doctorate programs (like the EdD) and those from strong practitioner backgrounds.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001236#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The prestige of Anglophone universities creates a 'global currency' that attracts international students but also establishes an implicit hierarchy that privileges native English speakers over those using English as an additional language.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001236#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Professional doctorates, such as the EdD, create a tension between the goal of deepening professional practice and the university's academic evaluation standards, often leaving students feeling they have 'one foot in the world of practice and another in the world of academe'.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001236#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Supervisory support is a critical predictor of success, but its effectiveness depends on matching the supervisor's style with the student's specific needs, which is particularly complex for international students or those with significant professional expertise.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001236#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Financial and social support are essential for retention; students without financial support show the highest withdrawal rates, while social connections and 'critical friends' help combat the isolation and negative emotions common in doctoral studies.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001236#insight-7","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":[],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":[]}]}