{"query_echo":{"q":"","filters":{"organization":["Peace Research Institute Oslo"]},"warnings":[]},"total":{"value":763,"relation":"eq"},"page":10,"page_size":20,"self":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/api/v1/search?organization=peace-research-institute-oslo&page=10","next":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/api/v1/search?organization=peace-research-institute-oslo&page=11","stability":"beta","ai_marking":{"digital_source_type":{"uri":"http://cv.iptc.org/newscodes/digitalsourcetype/trainedAlgorithmicMedia","name":"Created using Generative AI"},"notice":"Summary and key insights are generated using artificial intelligence."},"results":[{"id":"prio-001387","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001387","title":"Fighting For Food? Investigating Food Insecurity as a Source of Urban Unrest","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":"2021","source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/76ac297f-3b58-4bca-b0f8-62ea119b9ac7/Fighting For Food Investigating Food Insecurity as a Source of Urban Unrest.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","climate_tags","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The research argues that while food insecurity provides the motivation for urban unrest, the actual occurrence of collective action is contingent on the presence of organizational networks and the level of state repression. Using a combination of cross-national data from urban Africa (1990–2014) and individual-level survey data from Johannesburg, the author finds that food insecurity increases the likelihood of unrest, particularly demonstrations and strikes. However, the study challenges the notion that food is a uniquely potent driver of unrest compared to other living expenses and finds no evidence that food insecurity leads specifically to more violent behavior.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001387#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"The relationship between increasing food prices and urban unrest is moderated by state repression of societal organizations; countries with moderate repression and barriers to formation are more likely to experience unrest than those with highly repressed organizational environments.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001387#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Individual-level data from Johannesburg indicates that higher experienced intensity of food insecurity predicts participation in urban unrest, with the strongest effects seen for demonstrations and strikes rather than violence.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001387#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Organizational networks, particularly union ties, act as catalysts that increase the likelihood of unrest participation among food-insecure individuals.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001387#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Experimental evidence suggests that food price hikes are not a more potent driver for the willingness to engage in unrest than other essential living expenses, such as fuel or electricity.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001387#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The research rejects the common assumption that food insecurity leads to a 'hungry, angry crowd' that engages in violence out of desperation, finding instead that the most aggrieved use legal collective action methods.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001387#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Societal organizations facilitate unrest by providing existing mobilization structures and by politicizing individual-level food grievances into group phenomena.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001387#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":["food insecurity","food price","urbanization"],"geography_discussed":["Soweto","Alexandra","Egypt","Bangladesh","India","North Korea"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["literature review","quantitative analysis","vignette experiment","survey research"]},{"id":"prio-001421","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001421","title":"Kan freden forskes?","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"report","language":"no","date_published":"2021","source_url":"https://files.prio.org/blogs/Gleditsch-Kan-freden-forskes.pdf","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The author, Nils Petter Gleditsch, reviews two 1966 NRK television broadcasts that served as a major public introduction to the Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO). The programs featured Johan Galtung and various researchers presenting early peace research projects, including studies on children's perceptions of peace, international airline patterns, and diplomatic simulations. The text documents the institutional growth of PRIO, its early use of electronic data processing, and the specific academic contributions of its early staff and students.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001421#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"The 1966 NRK broadcasts provided an unprecedented level of public exposure for PRIO and peace research in Norway, as the country had only one TV channel and one radio channel at the time.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001421#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Johan Galtung served as the central figure of the programs, presenting the overall structure of peace research and the institute's activities, while also allowing younger staff to present their own work.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001421#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The institute utilized early electronic data processing, moving from punch machines and card readers to the Control Data computer at the University of Oslo to study international flight routes.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001421#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The programs showcased the 'clerical collar model' (later known as the 'feudal model') of the international community, which describes tight bonds between central superpowers and weaker bonds with their respective peripheries.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001421#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"PRIO employed simulation techniques to study decision-making, including the 'Prisoner's Dilemma' presented by Malvern Lumsden and a larger Inter-Nation Simulation (INS) involving five fictional nations.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001421#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The document notes that PRIO transitioned from being a department of the Institute for Social Research to an independent institute by 1966, experiencing strong growth and confidence.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001421#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["Kerala","Oslo"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["historical review","institutional history"]},{"id":"prio-001452","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001452","title":"“Nobody Listens to Us”: Minors in DDR Processes – The Gender Dimension","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":"2021","source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/18206961-218b-44c9-811d-5c67b5486e95/Hauge - Nobody Listens to Us - Minors in DDR Processes - The Gender Dimension PRIO Paper 2021.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","climate_tags","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The report argues that UN IDDRS recommendations—specifically the separation of minors from adult soldiers and the insistence on family reunification—often fail to account for gender and conflict context, potentially causing trauma and socio-economic hardship. Through case studies of FARC-EP in Colombia and the PLA in Nepal, the author finds that many minors joined voluntarily to escape poverty or violence and experienced high levels of gender equality within the armed groups, which contrasted sharply with the traditional, 'machista' or caste-based societies they returned to. The report concludes that minors' agency is frequently neglected by international and state actors, and recommends a more flexible, context-specific approach to DDR that prioritizes the minors' own choices and needs.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001452#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"A significant majority of the interviewed minors in both Colombia and Nepal joined their respective armed groups voluntarily, often to escape poverty, marginalization, or family persecution, contradicting the common assumption that most child soldiers are victims of forced recruitment.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001452#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Minors in both FARC-EP and the PLA reported experiencing high levels of gender equality and a lack of discrimination within the armed groups, including strict sanctions against rape and gender-based violence.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001452#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The mandatory separation of minors from adult soldiers during the DDR process was experienced by most as a traumatic and shocking event, as many minors felt a stronger bond and trust with their comrades than with state or international institutions.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001452#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Family reunification and return to local communities often failed, as returning minors faced stigmatization, security threats from other armed groups, and a lack of educational or economic opportunities.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001452#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Female minors faced more severe challenges upon reintegration, including increased stigmatization and the pressure to return to traditional, subordinate gender roles after experiencing equality in the armed groups.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001452#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"In Nepal, the use of the label 'disqualified' for minors during the verification process had a profound negative psychological impact, creating feelings of shame and worthlessness.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001452#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The report highlights a systemic failure by the UN, international organizations, and national authorities to listen to the agency and opinions of minors during the DDR process.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001452#insight-7","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":["gender equality","human rights"],"geography_discussed":["Medellín"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["case study","qualitative interviews","comparative analysis"]},{"id":"prio-001499","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001499","title":"Taking part in society the way I am","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":"2021","source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/0860edcb-92b7-4283-9d43-54be2a3c655c/Jdid 2021 Taking part in society the way I am PhD diss.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The research explores the concept of 'active citizenship' as a differentiating norm in Denmark and Norway, rather than just a descriptive term for civic engagement. Through ethnographic fieldwork in Oslo and Copenhagen, the author finds that while many people align with official policy goals—such as volunteering in local, child-centred, and secular arenas—marginalized individuals often resist these narrow definitions. The study argues that active citizenship is frequently used to create boundaries between 'good citizens' (who are typically imagined as middle-class, able-bodied, and culturally similar) and 'failed' or 'tolerated' citizens. The author advocates for a 'differentiated universalism' that recognizes informal care, faith-based engagement, and transnational activities as valid forms of societal contribution, moving beyond the binary of active versus passive citizenship.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001499#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"Active citizenship functions as a differentiating norm that creates moral boundaries between 'good citizens' and those deemed 'not-good-enough', often based on gendered, classed, racialized, and ableist characteristics.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001499#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The 'idealized good citizen' is conceptualized through specific emic terms such as 'overskud' (surplus) in Danish and 'det lille ekstra' (something extra) in Norwegian, referring to the accumulation of tangible and intangible resources like time, health, and money.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001499#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"In Norway, the concept of 'trygghet' (security) and 'ballast' (fundament) are viewed as essential childhood attributes that enable an individual to become a responsible and active citizen.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001499#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Danish participants emphasize 'ordentlighed' (respectability or decency) as a fundamental characteristic of a good citizen, which is often taught through behavioral pedagogies in the home and leisure associations.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001499#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Parental engagement in local, child-centred leisure associations is viewed as a primary 'admission ticket' to the community of value, particularly for minoritized mothers who feel the need to prove their contribution to society.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001499#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The Norwegian practice of 'dugnad' (unpaid community work) is perceived as a mandatory moral obligation, and failure to participate can lead to being viewed as not 'properly' Norwegian.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001499#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"There is a perceived hierarchy of participation spaces, where 'majority arenas' (secular, local associations) are valued over 'immigrant associations' or faith-based arenas, which are sometimes viewed as promoting self-segregation.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001499#insight-7","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Marginalized individuals, such as the elderly or chronically ill, contest the active/passive dichotomy by framing informal care and interpersonal support as valuable societal contributions.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001499#insight-8","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Individuals with refugee backgrounds often view their civic responsibility through a transnational lens, where engagement in their country of origin or in ethnic associations is a way of preserving democracy and helping others.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001499#insight-9","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"In disadvantaged neighbourhoods like Sydhavn and Tøyen, active citizenship is often expressed as a 'fight' or resistance against gentrification and top-down municipality-led regeneration processes.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001499#insight-10","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The 'SydhavnsCompagniet' (SC) in Copenhagen implements a 'horizontal volunteerism' model that allows vulnerable citizens to contribute according to their daily capacity, challenging the structured requirements of traditional volunteering.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001499#insight-11","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Racialized minorities often experience 'conditional belonging', where they must 'walk the extra mile' or perform 'extra work' in the public sphere to be recognized as good citizens.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001499#insight-12","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["Oslo","Copenhagen","Tøyen","Holmlia","Røa","Sydhavn","Østerbro"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["ethnography","intersectional analysis","comparative study","qualitative research"]},{"id":"prio-001530","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001530","title":"Can Pre-Election Protests Influence Voter Behaviour?","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":"2021","source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/574e2383-102f-4816-947c-c627ecd634ee/MA Thesis Amalie Nilsen.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The study analyzes the impact of the 2019 Anti-ELAB movement on voter behavior in Hong Kong. Using logistic regression on survey and event data, the author finds that protests and police brutality mobilize individuals who identify as \"Hongkongers\" to vote for opposition parties, while having the opposite effect on those who identify as \"Chinese\". Nonviolent protests were found to be more effective in inducing defections from the regime among those with a local identity.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001530#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"Opposition protests in a respondent's district increase the likelihood that previous non-voters who identify as \"Hongkongers\" will vote for opposition parties in the 2019 election.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001530#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Conversely, pre-election protests reduce the likelihood that previous non-voters who identify as \"Chinese\" will vote for opposition parties.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001530#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Police brutality, specifically the use of teargas, increases the probability that previous non-voters identifying as \"Hongkongers\" will switch to voting for the opposition and decreases their likelihood of voting for incumbent parties.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001530#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"For previous non-voters identifying as \"Chinese\", teargas events decrease the likelihood of voting for the opposition and increase the likelihood of voting for incumbent parties.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001530#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Nonviolent protests significantly increase the likelihood that previous regime supporters who identify as \"Hongkongers\" will defect to opposition parties.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001530#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Violent protests increase the likelihood that \"Hongkongers\" who previously did not vote will switch to the opposition, while they increase the likelihood that \"Chinese\" non-voters will switch to incumbent parties.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001530#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The study found no statistically significant evidence that teargas use influenced the likelihood of previous regime supporters defecting to the opposition.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001530#insight-7","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["People's Republic of China"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["quantitative","logistic regression","cross-sectional survey","event data analysis"]},{"id":"prio-001541","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001541","title":"Negotiating Disarmament","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":"2021","source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/6ae17a66-be73-4137-a406-b56fcf96fc1b/Marsh%20and%20Palik%20-%20Negotiating%20Disarmament%20Lessons%20learnt%20from%20Colombia%20Nepal%20the%20Philippines%20South%20Sudan%20Sri%20Lanka%20PRIO%20Paper%202021.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The report argues that disarmament is often an elite bargain where symbolic gestures are more critical for peace than the technical collection of all weapons. It highlights that exclusionary processes often marginalize women and other armed groups, and that external actors can either facilitate peace or hinder it by imposing generic templates that ignore local contexts.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001541#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"Disarmament is frequently negotiated as a symbolic rather than a technical process, where the message of renouncing violence is more important than the actual number of weapons collected.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001541#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Peace agreements often result from elite bargains that allow non-state actors to retain some or all of their weapons to maintain control over local populations.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001541#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Women and women's organizations are routinely excluded from disarmament negotiations due to the masculinized nature of talks on weapons and the desire of conflict parties to limit the number of participants.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001541#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Governments may reject international assistance or UN peacekeeping forces for disarmament to avoid the negative symbolism of appearing as a failed state or breaching sovereignty.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001541#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"External actors can hinder peace processes by pushing 'standard language' or generic DDR templates that lack local 'buy in' and fail to account for specific regional conditions, as seen in South Sudan.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001541#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The terminology used to describe disarmament is highly sensitive; terms like 'disarmament' are often rejected in favor of phrases like 'normalization' or 'abandonment of arms' to avoid the connotation of surrender.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001541#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"In some cases, disarmament provisions are used by dominant parties to coercively disarm other smaller armed groups to consolidate their own territorial and political control.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001541#insight-7","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Inclusive processes that involve a broader coalition of conflict-affected parties, including women and civil society, tend to lead to more sustainable peace agreements.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001541#insight-8","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["Sudan","Mindanao"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["comparative case study","typology development"]},{"id":"prio-001621","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001621","title":"Sweden as an Elected Member of the UN Security Council","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":"2021","source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/183474d6-2990-4c2f-9bf9-a6b9a58b8dbc/Olsson et al - Sweden as an Elected Member of the UN Security Council PRIO Paper 2021.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","climate_tags","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The report analyzes Sweden's 2017–2018 term on the UN Security Council, examining how a small state can influence the body's outcomes regarding Women, Peace and Security (WPS). It details Sweden's strategic approach—rooted in its feminist foreign policy—to move WPS from a thematic 'add-on' to 'core Council business' by integrating actionable language into regular resolutions, particularly those concerning peacekeeping and political mission mandates. The authors provide a framework for assessing the impact of elected members (E10) through criteria of frequency, clarity, and priority of resolution language, while outlining the tactical maneuvering required to navigate P5 power dynamics and UNSC working methods.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001621#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"Sweden's primary objective during its 2017–2018 UNSC term was to ensure that Women, Peace and Security (WPS) became \"core Council business,\" shifting the focus from normative thematic development to the practical implementation of existing decisions.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001621#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Sweden's WPS strategy was explicitly linked to its feminist foreign policy, which aimed to strengthen women's rights, increase their access to resources, and improve their representation.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001621#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"To operationalize its goals, Sweden focused on improving the language in regular UNSC outcomes, specifically targeting mandates for peacekeeping operations and political missions to move from generic statements to actionable language.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001621#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Sweden utilized its UNSC presidency in July 2018 to advance the practice of inviting women from civil society organizations as briefers, achieving a complete male/female balance of briefers for the first time.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001621#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The report identifies five types of effects an elected member (E10) can seek in the UNSC: raising visibility, championing new thematic resolutions, reshaping working methods, strengthening sanction criteria, and promoting integration into regular resolutions and statements.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001621#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Sweden successfully introduced special listing criteria for sexual violence into UN sanctions regimes for Libya, South Sudan, and the Central African Republic.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001621#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Quantitative analysis of resolutions from 2016 to 2019 shows a slight increase in the percentage of resolutions containing WPS references starting in late 2017, with a notable increase in references to participation and gender mainstreaming relative to protection.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001621#insight-7","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Despite increased frequency, the report finds that most WPS language in resolutions remains generic and lacks specific, actionable tasks, often appearing in the preamble rather than the operative sections.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001621#insight-8","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Sweden's effectiveness was bolstered by high-level political backing and the personal credibility of Foreign Minister Margot Wallström, who had previously served as the UN Special Representative on Sexual Violence in Conflict.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001621#insight-9","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Sweden emphasized the importance of the Informal Expert Group (IEG) on WPS over Arria Formula Meetings to prioritize an integrative approach over a campaign-driven one.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001621#insight-10","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":["gender mainstreaming","international law","human rights"],"geography_discussed":["Central African Republic","South Sudan","Libya","Syria","Democratic Republic of the Congo","Sudan","Iraq","Mali","Afghanistan"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["case study","quantitative content analysis","qualitative interview analysis"]},{"id":"prio-001792","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001792","title":"The Effects of Different Types of Sectarian Violence on Trust in State- and Societal Institutions","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":"2021","source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/e635b451-43cd-4733-92e6-cba0e6ae50ab/The Effects of Different Types of Sectarian Violence on Trust in State- and Societal Institutions Evidence from Egypt.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The study argues that disaggregating sectarian violence is essential to understanding its effects on institutional trust. Using survey data from the Arab Barometer and a sectarian events dataset, the author finds that beatings decrease trust in mediators like religious leaders and the parliament, while bombings unexpectedly increase trust in the army and legal system. Burnings primarily reduce trust in the courts. The findings suggest that the targeted Christian minority is affected differently than the general public, sometimes showing increased trust in the government and parliament following bombings.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001792#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"The study demonstrates that disaggregating sectarian violence into different categories is necessary because different types of violence have distinct effects on trust in various institutions.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001792#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Beatings (unarmed attacks against individuals) lead to a statistically significant decrease in trust in religious leaders, the parliament, and the courts and legal system.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001792#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Bombings (armed attacks) are associated with a statistically significant increase in trust in the army and the courts and legal system among the general population.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001792#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Burnings (unarmed attacks against property) result in a statistically significant decrease in trust in the courts and legal system.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001792#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"For the Christian minority, bombings have a significant positive effect on trust in the government and the parliament, but a negative effect on trust in religious leaders.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001792#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The research finds that Christians are not consistently more negatively affected by sectarian violence than the general public, contrary to expectations regarding in-group/out-group relations, except in the case of burnings.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001792#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The author notes that high reported trust in the army and police may be influenced by reporting bias due to Egypt's military authoritarianism, where respondents may practice preference falsification out of fear.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001792#insight-7","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["Minya Governorate","Asyut Governorate","Bani Suef","Sohag Governorate"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["quantitative","statistical analysis","regression analysis"]},{"id":"prio-001224","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001224","title":"Women’s Participation in Peace Processes","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"briefing","language":"en","date_published":"2020-11-19","source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/caa7a270-2f7a-46b7-8ecf-db366ad4def4/Backgrounder 1 Ahmad and Tank 2020 _ Womens Participation in Peace Processes.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed"],"summary":{"text":"The document argues that women's inclusion in peace processes increases the likelihood of reaching and sustaining agreements, though global participation rates remain low. It identifies three prerequisites for substantive representation: a specific agenda, access to the process, and advocacy by powerful actors. The briefing details various modes of inclusion, noting that independent women-only delegations are more effective than observer status, and outlines systemic barriers including cultural norms, economic constraints, and higher participation criteria imposed by mediators.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001224#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"Women's participation is positively correlated with the success and longevity of peace agreements. Specifically, agreements are 64% less likely to fail when women participate, and the probability of an agreement lasting at least two years increases by 20%, while the probability of it lasting 15 years increases by 35%.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001224#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Despite the benefits, global trends in women's participation in major peace processes between 1992 and 2019 show minimal progress, with women making up only 13% of negotiators, 6% of mediators, and 6% of signatories.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001224#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Substantive representation of women in negotiated peace processes requires three simultaneous conditions: a specific (preferably written) agenda, multifaceted and direct access to the process, and advocacy from powerful actors who can frame women's issues as central to larger objectives.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001224#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Different modes of inclusion yield varying levels of influence. Direct representation is most effective when women have independent delegations or coordinate across delegations. In contrast, observer status rarely influences the process, and consultations require formal links to the negotiation table to be effective.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001224#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Women face significant systemic barriers to participation, including cultural norms that view their engagement as \"difficult\" or \"dangerous\", economic hurdles like transportation costs, and lack of education. Additionally, mediators have sometimes imposed higher criteria for women's groups than for other civil society organizations, such as requiring they represent the full diversity of women country-wide.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001224#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["Nepal","Afghanistan","Liberia","Sierra Leone","Northern Region","Syria"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":[]},{"id":"prio-001225","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001225","title":"Gender and Mediation Backgrounder","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"briefing","language":"en","date_published":"2020-11-19","source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/e0ebf477-2dc5-478b-bc8c-0e64ffa723ab/Backgrounder 2 Ahmad and Tank 2020 _ Transitional Justice.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","climate_tags","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The document defines transitional justice as a response to widespread human rights violations and argues that women's access and power in these processes are vital for sustained peace. It identifies core principles for gender justice, including gender equity and accountability for crimes against women and girls. Through case studies of Tunisia and Colombia, it demonstrates how women's participation can expand the definition of victimhood to include socio-economic harm and prohibit amnesty for sexual violence. The briefing also lists methods for active participation and identifies various barriers to women's engagement, such as cultural norms, physical distance from political centers, and the risk of re-victimization.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001225#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"Transitional justice is described as a response to systematic human rights violations that seeks to promote peace, reconciliation, and democracy by adapting justice to societies transforming after pervasive abuse.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001225#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Effective gender justice in post-conflict periods relies on four core principles: acknowledging that peace requires gender equity, recognizing women's right to participate in the transition, creating laws that foster gender equity, and ensuring accountability for crimes against women and girls to prevent impunity.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001225#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"In Tunisia and Colombia, early participation by women in official capacities and civil society led to the recognition of unique harms; Tunisia expanded victimhood to include socio-economic harm from educational and employment barriers, while Colombia explicitly prohibited amnesty for sexual violence in its final peace agreement.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001225#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Women can participate in transitional justice through formal individual or collective roles, by providing testimonies to criminal trials or truth and reconciliation commissions, and through grassroots coalition building.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001225#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Significant barriers hinder women's participation in transitional justice, including a lack of knowledge about mechanisms, failure in victim outreach, urban/rural divides in Northern Ireland and Bosnia and Herzegovina, time limits in South Africa, cultural norms in Northern Uganda, stigma in Peru, and re-victimization in Sierra Leone.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001225#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":["human rights"],"geography_discussed":["Tunisia","Colombia","Chad","Northern Ireland","Bosnia and Herzegovina","South Africa","Northern Region","Peru","Sierra Leone","Nepal"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["case study","policy framework"]},{"id":"prio-001120","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001120","title":"COVID-19: A call for people-centered national security strategy in Africa – Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO)","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"statement","language":"en","date_published":"2020-11-18","source_url":"https://www.prio.org/comments/836","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","climate_tags","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The author contends that COVID-19 has exposed vulnerabilities in African governance and that current responses are too reactive and focused solely on health security. The pandemic is projected to cause Africa's first recession in 25 years, significantly increase food insecurity, and lead to substantial job losses, particularly among youth. The document advocates for a 'whole-society approach' to security that balances health, economic, and political priorities to build resilience against future pandemics.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001120#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"COVID-19 is projected to cause Africa's first recession in 25 years, with GDP expected to contract between 0.7 and 2.8 percentage points in 2020. This economic instability is linked to a projected loss of 20 million jobs, primarily affecting youth, which may lead to violence and social unrest.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001120#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The pandemic is expected to severely impact food security in Africa more than in other regions, with the food insecure population potentially doubling from 130 million to 265 million in 2020.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001120#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Sub-Saharan Africa is expected to account for approximately 46 percent (23 million) of the global population pushed into extreme poverty due to COVID-19.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001120#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Political security in Africa has been compromised as governments use excessive force to implement lockdowns, a situation worsened by a lack of citizen trust and the poor quality of institutions.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001120#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The African Union's Joint Continental Strategy for COVID-19, adopted in February 2020, is criticized for focusing exclusively on health security and failing to provide a comprehensive human security framework that member states can adapt to their unique contexts.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001120#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":["food security","air quality"],"geography_discussed":["sub-Saharan Africa","People's Republic of China"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["policy analysis","impact assessment"]},{"id":"prio-001266","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001266","title":"Translating migration theory into empirical propositions","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":"2020-10-30","source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/6f90932f-44e8-4435-8588-9b3f11dc5b64/Carling et al 2020 Translating migration theory into empirical propositions.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","climate_tags","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The document argues that while a 'grand theory' of migration does not exist, researchers can use 'theoretical triangulation' to formulate testable propositions. It presents ten such propositions covering the roles of pre-existing connections, social networks, involuntary immobility, resource constraints, environmental stress, violent conflict, economic development, development aid, and the effectiveness and unintended consequences of migration policies.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001266#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"International migration flows are heavily influenced by long-standing pre-existing connections, including colonial history, trade, linguistic or ethno-cultural commonalities, and geographic proximity.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001266#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Migration can become self-sustaining through 'chain migration,' where social networks of kinship or co-ethnics facilitate subsequent flows, often starting with 'pioneer migration' by elites.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001266#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The number of 'involuntary non-migrants'—people who wish to migrate but lack the ability—is estimated to be at least twice the number of actual international migrants worldwide.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001266#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"A migrant's available resources directly correlate with the distance, duration, and complexity of their journey; those with fewer resources often undertake more fragmented and unpredictable trajectories.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001266#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Environmental stress and climate change bifurcate populations: while some are mobilised to migrate, the most impoverished often become 'trapped' due to a lack of resources to move.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001266#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Violent conflict typically triggers short-distance migration to neighbouring countries, which absorb 80-90% of refugees, though some may later engage in geographically dispersed secondary migration.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001266#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"There is an inverted U-shaped relationship between economic development and emigration, where emigration rises as national income increases in low- and lower-middle-income countries, peaking at a per capita purchasing power of approximately 7,000–8,000 USD before falling.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001266#insight-7","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Development aid may deter emigration through several mechanisms, such as improving public services (opportunity cost) or through policy leverage (readmission agreements), though its overall effectiveness is contested.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001266#insight-8","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Migration policies are often ineffective on their own because their success depends on a broader mix of economic and social factors, and restrictive policies frequently produce unintended externalities.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001266#insight-9","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Restrictive migration policies can lead to unintended consequences, such as diverting migrants to alternative destinations, pushing them toward illegal routes, or altering the timing of migration.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001266#insight-10","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":["climate change","environmental degradation","climate migration"],"geography_discussed":["Mexico","United States","Turkey","Germany","United Kingdom","France","Syria","Yemen","Eritrea","South Sudan","Sudan","Democratic Republic of the Congo","Uganda","India","Indonesia"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["theoretical synthesis","propositional framework"]},{"id":"prio-001546","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001546","title":"Israel and COVID-19","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"policy brief","language":"en","date_published":"2020-06","source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/4ca6cb85-c0a5-4a09-a909-a6b242a709c9/Martins and Tjonn - Israel and COVID-19 MidEast 06-2020.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","climate_tags","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"As of June 10, 2020, Israel reported 299 deaths and 18,268 confirmed cases of COVID-19. The state leveraged its advanced technology and healthcare sectors to manage the outbreak, though it faced criticism for employing counter-terrorism surveillance tools and intelligence services to track infections and procure medical equipment. The pandemic occurred during a severe political crisis, leading to the formation of a unity government. The response also highlighted disparities affecting Israeli Arabs, ultra-orthodox communities, and Palestinians in the Occupied Territories.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001546#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"Israel's healthcare and economic infrastructure provided a strong foundation for its pandemic response, with the country ranking seventh out of 55 in the Bloomberg Health-Care Efficiency Index. The state utilized its technology sector to develop AI-based triage platforms and virtual care managers.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001546#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The pandemic's severity in Israel was lower than in other MENA countries like Iran and Turkey. As of June 10, 2020, Israel had a death rate of 3.4 per 100,000 and an infection rate of 211 per 100,000, with 2.99 hospital beds per 1,000 people.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001546#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The Israeli government implemented highly contested security measures, including the use of Shin Bet's mass cell phone surveillance system to track infected individuals. By the end of May 2020, 81,383 isolation orders were issued based on this contact tracing.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001546#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Israel's intelligence agency, Mossad, was significantly involved in the global effort to acquire medical supplies, specifically ventilators, for the national health services.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001546#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The COVID-19 crisis acted as a catalyst for ending a prolonged political deadlock, resulting in a unity government agreement between Benjamin Netanyahu and Benny Gantz.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001546#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The pandemic exposed and exacerbated existing societal inequalities, particularly regarding healthcare access for Israeli Arabs and the impact of lockdowns on Palestinians in the Occupied Territories.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001546#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The government's financial rescue package, expanded on May 9 to 100 billion NIS (approximately $28.5 billion), represented about 5.5% of GDP, which critics argued was lower than packages in other developed nations like the UK, France, or Germany.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001546#insight-7","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":["public health","national security"],"geography_discussed":["Occupied Palestinian territories","Turkey","Iran"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["policy analysis","socio-political assessment"]},{"id":"prio-001625","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001625","title":"Children Affected by Armed Conflict, 1990–2019","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"policy brief","language":"en","date_published":"2020-06","source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/b54b2f6f-84d9-4745-abbe-5bc07fba2c4d/Ostby Rustad and Tollefsen - Children Affected by Armed Conflict 1990-2019 - Conflict Trends 6-2020.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The report finds that 1.61 billion children lived in conflict-affected countries in 2019, with 426 million residing in specific conflict zones (within 50 km of fighting). Africa has the highest absolute number of affected children, while the Middle East has the highest proportional share. The number of children in conflict zones has generally increased since the 1990s, with millions exposed to continuous conflict throughout their childhood.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001625#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"In 2019, approximately 1.61 billion children, representing 69% of the global child population, lived in conflict-affected countries. This is an increase of nearly 100 million from 2018, driven by low-level conflict events in countries including South Africa, Honduras, Liberia, and Peru.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001625#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"About 426 million children, or more than one in six worldwide, lived in 'conflict zones' in 2019, defined as areas within 50 km of a conflict event. This figure represents a 2% increase from 2018 and a more than 50% increase from the 200–250 million estimated in the early- and mid-1990s.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001625#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Regional data for 2019 shows that Africa had the highest absolute number of children in conflict zones at 179 million (roughly 30% of the global total). However, the Middle East had the highest proportional share, with approximately 38.6% of its children living in conflict zones.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001625#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"A significant number of children experience prolonged exposure to violence; in 2019, over 71 million children aged 0–5 lived in areas with conflict for their entire lives, and approximately 16 million children lived in areas with 18 consecutive years of conflict.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001625#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Conflict intensity varies, but in 2019, 81 million children (3.5% of the global child population) lived in zones with more than 25 battle deaths. Approximately 9 million children lived within 50 km of the highest intensity areas (1,000 or more battle deaths), a number that doubled since 2018 largely due to drug wars in Mexico.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001625#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The report identifies Afghanistan, Syria, and Somalia as the countries with the highest conflict intensity in 2019. Trends in the number of children living in areas with over 1,000 battle deaths are noted to be highly correlated with the conflict in Syria.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001625#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["Africa","Middle East","Asia","Americas","Europe","South Africa","Honduras","Liberia","Peru","Afghanistan","Syria","Somalia","Mexico"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["spatial analysis","temporal trend analysis","demographic mapping"]},{"id":"prio-001765","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001765","title":"MIGNEX Handbook","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"guide","language":"en","date_published":"2020-06","source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/72f6ac19-7b40-4e67-9669-62369f8c8870/Survey data collection.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","climate_tags","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The MIGNEX Handbook Chapter 7 outlines the methodology for a large-scale survey of 12,500 young adults (aged 18-39) across 25 research areas in ten countries. It details a three-stage probability-proportional-to-size (PPS) cluster sampling strategy using satellite imagery and random walks to ensure representativeness. The guide specifies the use of Computer-Assisted Personal Interviewing (CAPI) via SurveyCTO software to improve data quality and efficiency. It establishes rigorous protocols for research ethics, including oral informed consent, and defines a multi-layered quality assurance framework involving enumerators, fieldwork supervisors, and data managers. The document also provides a detailed survey instrument covering themes such as migration aspirations, livelihoods, health, and governance.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001765#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"The MIGNEX survey targets a total sample of 12,500 young adults aged 18-39, with 500 respondents in each of the 25 research areas.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001765#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The project employs a three-stage probability-proportional-to-size (PPS) cluster sampling strategy: first identifying and sampling clusters via satellite maps, then sampling households using random walks, and finally randomly sampling one respondent within each household.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001765#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"To ensure data quality and efficiency, the survey uses Computer-Assisted Personal Interviewing (CAPI) with SurveyCTO software, which eliminates data entry errors and allows for real-time monitoring.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001765#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The survey instrument is designed to be conversational and short, with a target duration of under one hour; pilot testing showed an average interview length of 45 minutes.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001765#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Research ethics are managed by obtaining oral informed consent to ensure respondent anonymity and minimize potential harm, as written signatures could be offensive or risky in some contexts.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001765#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"A multi-tiered quality control system is implemented, including automated SurveyCTO warnings, supervisor spot checks on 10% of interviews, and back-checks of 10% of responses to verify factual accuracy.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001765#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The sampling process utilizes satellite imagery to estimate population sizes, with a verification exercise conducted by supervisors to ensure the margin of error in household estimates is below 20%.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001765#insight-7","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The survey covers a wide range of themes, including migration aspirations, livelihoods, environment, governance, corruption, social protection, education, health, infrastructure, and security.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001765#insight-8","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"To reduce selection bias, the project implements a strict return-visit policy, requiring enumerators to make up to two additional attempts to interview a sampled respondent before applying a replacement strategy.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001765#insight-9","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The translation process for the survey instrument requires two independent translators to produce versions that are then merged and verified by the central team at ODI.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001765#insight-10","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":["climate migration","climate change","social protection","governance"],"geography_discussed":["Afghanistan","Cape Verde","Ghana","Norway","Turkey","Nigeria","Pakistan","Tunisia","Guinea"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["methodological guide"]},{"id":"prio-001823","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001823","title":"Timing Matters: The Impact of Regularity of Election Cycles on Autocratic Stability","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":"2020-05-28","source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/bdd35f78-a412-4070-8a68-5bcceafbf22d/Timing Matters The Impact of Regularity of Election Cycles on Autocratic Stability.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The research analyzes 259 autocratic regimes from 1946 to 2008 to determine if the predictability of election dates influences regime durability. The author posits that regular election cycles create focal points for dissident collective action and prevent incumbents from 'surfing' favorable political or economic conditions. Statistical analysis indicates that regimes with more regular electoral cycles have a significantly higher probability of failure. The study suggests that manipulating the electoral calendar—through snap elections or delays—serves as a survival strategy to stymie challengers and optimize the use of state violence.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001823#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"Autocratic regimes that adhere to a more regular election cycle are more likely to experience regime breakdown compared to those with irregular cycles.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001823#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Regimes with the most regular electoral cycles face a probability of failure approximately five times higher than that of an average regime.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001823#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Regular election dates act as focal points that simplify the coordination of anti-regime protests and collective action for dissidents.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001823#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Dictators use 'opportunistic electoral surfing' to time elections during periods of high regime popularity or opposition weakness to reduce the risk of protests.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001823#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Manipulating the electoral calendar allows regimes to better plan and execute the use of violence to ensure victory.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001823#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The destabilizing effect of electoral regularity is more pronounced in parliamentary-based autocratic regimes and younger regimes.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001823#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The findings remain robust when controlling for variables such as GDP per capita, natural resource dependence, military size, and the level of democracy.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001823#insight-7","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Some highly repressive regimes, such as North Korea, can survive despite regular election cycles because their control systems are robust enough to withstand the associated risks.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001823#insight-8","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["Venezuela","Mexico","Singapore","Kazakhstan","Turkey","Botswana","Zimbabwe","Democratic Republic of the Congo","Russia","Indonesia","Panama","The Gambia","North Korea"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["statistical analysis","comparative political analysis"]},{"id":"prio-001151","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001151","title":"In memoriam: Arthur H. Westing (1928–2020) – Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO)","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"statement","language":"en","date_published":"2020-05-06","source_url":"https://www.prio.org/comments/910","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The document commemorates Arthur H. Westing, highlighting his role at PRIO and his contributions to the field of environmental security. It discusses his publications on the environmental hazards of war and security in the Baltic region, as well as his rigorous approach to academic accuracy and citations. The author notes Westing's perspectives on global overpopulation, transboundary pollution, and the relationship between economic globalization and environmental security.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001151#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"Arthur Westing contributed significantly to the conceptualization of environmental security through thorough expositions and specific publications, including a volume on the 'Environmental Hazards of War' regarding pollutants released during the destruction of industries in war, and 'Comprehensive Security for the Baltic', which applied an extended concept of security to the Baltic region.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001151#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Westing maintained a pessimistic outlook on several global environmental and security issues, specifically arguing that global overpopulation is the most serious problem, that environmental security is deteriorating globally, and that economic globalization may negatively impact environmental security.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001151#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Westing was noted for his extreme academic rigor and attention to detail, often identifying errors in standard reference works and requiring authors to provide photocopies of original publications to verify direct quotations.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001151#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["Norway","Baltic region","United States","Perm","Soviet Union","Vermont","Shelburne"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["biographical","academic reflection"]},{"id":"prio-001363","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001363","title":"How does integration in the country of settlement matter for diaspora members’ development engagements in the Global South?","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"policy brief","language":"en","date_published":"2020-05","source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/c77fb92c-7197-4eac-af57-0a68829cfd11/Erdal et al - Diaspora Development and Integration PRIO Policy Brief 5-2020.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","climate_tags","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The policy brief examines the intersection of migrant integration and development contributions, specifically focusing on the Norwegian experience. It argues that while diaspora members engage in development and remittance-sending largely independently of government policy, the quality of their integration—including their economic stability and legal security—significantly influences their capacity to contribute. The authors critique the current fragmentation of migration, integration, and development policies, noting that some security-focused narratives regarding remittances can stigmatize these contributions. The brief recommends recognizing diaspora initiatives as transnational civic engagement and reducing remittance costs to enhance development outcomes.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001363#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"There is a direct link between a diaspora member's level of integration in their country of settlement and their ability to contribute to development in their country of origin, as those with \"stable and secure livelihoods and residency situations\" are better positioned to provide support.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001363#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Norwegian policy between 2008 and 2009 attempted to integrate diaspora groups into development cooperation and foreign policy, viewing their transnational ties as a resource rather than a social challenge. This included the \"Pilot Project Pakistan\" launched in June 2008 by Norad to build the competence of Norwegian-Pakistani organizations.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001363#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Despite official policy ambitions, many diaspora-led development initiatives occur independently of government action and often remain \"below the radar\" of development bureaucrats. In Norway, political interest in these initiatives eventually dwindled, leaving NGOs to struggle with sustaining the work without official support.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001363#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Remittances significantly exceed Official Development Assistance (ODA) in volume, being more than three times as much today. They provide critical benefits by funding human capital, such as education and health, and filling gaps in social protection.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001363#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"High transaction costs for remittances hinder their development potential. While the global average cost was 6.8% in the first quarter of 2020, the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG target 10c) aim to reduce costs to less than 3% by 2030. In Norway, the average cost of sending remittances remains higher than 5%.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001363#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Public and political discourse in Norway has often linked remittances to negative activities such as terrorist financing, money laundering, and tax evasion, which taints the image of these contributions despite such crimes playing only a marginal role in global flows.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001363#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":["Sustainable Development Goals"],"geography_discussed":["World","Pakistan","Somalia","Kenya","Sri Lanka","Oslo"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["policy evaluation","case study"]},{"id":"prio-001630","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001630","title":"Conflict Trends in Africa, 1989\u00132019","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"policy brief","language":"en","date_published":"2020-05","source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/8f89b3fe-411f-49f3-b154-6314f38d5bdb/Palik and Rustad - Conflict Trends in Africa 1989-2019 Conflict Trends 5-2020.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"Between 1989 and 2019, Africa experienced a complex conflict landscape. While battle-related deaths have remained relatively low and stable since the early 2000s, the number of state-based conflicts reached a record high in 2019. There is a concerning increase in the involvement of the Islamic State and a rise in non-state communal conflicts. UN peacekeeping operations in the region saw a significant increase in troop size from 1999 to 2010.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001630#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"In 2019, Africa recorded 25 state-based conflicts, the highest number since 1946. These included 11 civil conflicts and 14 internationalized civil conflicts, where external governments were involved.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001630#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The Islamic State (IS) has a significant presence in African conflicts; in 2019, IS was involved in nine of the 25 recorded conflicts in Africa.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001630#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Battle-related deaths in Africa have been relatively low and stable since the early 2000s, with totals not exceeding 10,000 in any year since 2001, except for 2014. In 2019, there were 8,400 battle-related deaths, with Somalia recording the highest number.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001630#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Non-state conflicts, particularly communal conflicts, have risen over the last 10 years. Although the number of these conflicts decreased from 49 in 2018 to 42 in 2019, the level remains high compared to previous decades.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001630#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Africa has the highest number of one-sided violence incidents between 1989 and 2019. In 2019, non-state actors killed 2,675 people through one-sided violence, while governments killed 742 people.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001630#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Conflict is often geographically concentrated in hotspots, such as the Lake Chad region (Northeast Nigeria, Cameroon, Chad, and Niger) and eastern DR Congo. New violent hotspots have emerged in the border region between Mali and Burkina Faso and the Ambazonia region in Cameroon.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001630#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"UN peacekeeping operations (PKOs) in Africa saw a massive increase in average troop size from 2,348 in 1999 to 80,000 in 2010. In 2018, there were eight PKO missions recorded.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001630#insight-7","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["Somalia","Libya","Nigeria","Burkina Faso","Mali","Niger","Mozambique","Rwanda","South Sudan","Cameroon","Chad","Sudan","Democratic Republic of the Congo","Central African Republic"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["trend analysis","statistical assessment"]},{"id":"prio-001632","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001632","title":"Iran and COVID-19: Timing Matters","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"policy brief","language":"en","date_published":"2020-05","source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/752bfa2c-5bfe-4bdd-bae0-83e0efc5ab22/Palik Julia - Iran and COVID-19 Timing Matters MidEast Policy Brief 05-2020.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","climate_tags","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"Iran was the hardest-hit country in the MENA region due to a delayed lockdown and early reopening, driven by a lack of financial capacity to provide income support. US sanctions and falling oil prices limited the state's stimulus package to 0.2% of GDP, while the regime used security forces to control information and suppress protests. Despite a developed healthcare system, the pandemic caused private hospital bankruptcies and a shortage of medical staff.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001632#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"Iran was the most severely affected country in the MENA region, characterized by a slow implementation of lockdown measures and a rapid return to economic activity.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001632#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The Iranian government's reluctance to enforce a comprehensive lockdown was primarily due to its inability to provide economic support to the population, exacerbated by US sanctions, plummeting oil prices, and fears of domestic unrest.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001632#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Financial constraints limited Iran's economic response; its stimulus package was only 0.2% of GDP, significantly lower than other MENA nations like Bahrain and Oman, which committed 30%.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001632#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The regime utilized security forces to maintain a monopoly on pandemic-related information and suppress dissent, treating the challenging of official statistics as a threat to national security.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001632#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"While Iran possesses a developed healthcare system, the pandemic led to the bankruptcy of several private hospitals and a shortage of doctors and nurses, partly due to delayed insurance payments.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001632#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The government's strategy of concealing information and delaying closures—including keeping borders open to Beijing until 16 March—contributed to severe outbreaks and eroded public trust.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001632#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":["public health"],"geography_discussed":["People's Republic of China","Bahrain","Oman","Turkey","Israel","Jordan","Iraq","Palestine","Turkmenistan"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["policy analysis","case study"]}]}