{"query_echo":{"q":"","filters":{"geography":["China"]},"warnings":[{"code":"facet_value_not_in_vocabulary","message":"Value 'China' for facet 'geography' is not in the controlled vocabulary."}]},"total":{"value":26,"relation":"eq"},"page":2,"page_size":20,"self":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/api/v1/search?geography=China&page=2","stability":"beta","ai_marking":{"digital_source_type":{"uri":"http://cv.iptc.org/newscodes/digitalsourcetype/trainedAlgorithmicMedia","name":"Created using Generative AI"},"notice":"Summary and key insights are generated using artificial intelligence."},"results":[{"id":"prio-001346","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001346","title":"ECONOMIC DOWNTURNS AND HARDLINE PUBLIC OPINION","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/de0b54fd-ce4a-4c5f-9663-f7226a543074/Economic Downturns and Hardline Public Opinion.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The research employs two survey experiments with Japanese participants to test the application of group threat theory to international relations. The findings indicate that Japanese individuals adopt more hardline attitudes toward territorial and historical disputes with South Korea specifically when they perceive Japan's economic power is declining relative to South Korea's rising economy. The study concludes that this effect is triggered by the relative shift in economic power rather than the absolute decline of the ingroup or the rise of the outgroup alone.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001346#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"Japanese participants demonstrate more hardline attitudes regarding territorial and historical disputes with South Korea when they perceive their own country's economic power is declining relative to South Korea's.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001346#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"A hardline shift in public opinion is only triggered by the juxtaposition of an ingroup's economic decline and a rival outgroup's economic rise; neither a decline in the ingroup's status alone nor a rise in the outgroup's status alone produces this effect.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001346#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The study found that the perceived threat to relative economic status significantly increased the probability of hardline responses regarding the Takeshima/Dokdo territory and the comfort women issue in the first experiment.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001346#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The impact of group threat on public opinion varies based on issue salience: it affects general attitudes when an issue is not salient, but shifts toward more specific aspects of the issue as it becomes more salient.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001346#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The research suggests that public opinion on international conflicts is driven by long-term rebalancing of economic power, making it resistant to short-term policy interventions.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001346#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["United States","China"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["survey experiment","quantitative analysis","psychological theory application"]},{"id":"prio-001465","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001465","title":"How Historians May Explain the ‘East Asian Peace’","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/4c95ce8a-6925-49ac-9ba1-a2661ed2d512/How Historians May Explain the East Asian Peace.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The document analyzes the 'East Asian Peace', a significant reduction in battle deaths in East Asia between 1980 and 2005 compared to the 1946–1979 period. The author argues that this peace was not the result of a single event but a series of staggered political transitions across the region. Key drivers identified include a shift in leadership priorities toward export-driven economic growth and a strategic alignment with the United States. The paper contrasts this with the 'European Peace', noting that the East Asian case does not fit the liberal peace model due to a lack of widespread democratization and political integration.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001465#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"East Asia experienced a sharp decline in warfare after 1979; while there were an average of 10 armed conflicts per year from 1946–79, this dropped to 8 in 1980–2005. More significantly, 'wars' (conflicts with over 1,000 battle deaths annually) averaged 4 per year in 1946–79 but only 0.5 per year from 1980–2005.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001465#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The total number of battle deaths in East Asia plummeted from an estimated 4.2 million between 1950–79 to just over 100,000 between 1980 and 2005.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001465#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The 'East Asian Peace' does not align with 'liberal peace theory' because the region lacks general political integration and a consistent transition to democratic systems, consisting instead of a mix of authoritarian, semi-democratic, and electoral democracies.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001465#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The transition to peace occurred in staggered stages across different nations: Japan in 1946, Korea in 1953/1991/2000, Insular Southeast Asia in 1967, China in 1979, Indochina in 1989–91, and Indonesia internally in 1999/2005.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001465#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"A primary driver of the regional peace was the shift by national leaders to prioritize export-driven economic growth over nationalist or ideological territorial goals, leading them to view disputes as a 'nuisance'.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001465#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Another central factor was the strategic alignment of regional governments with the United States through formal alliances, de facto alliances, or rapprochement for diplomatic recognition.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001465#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["Japan","China","North Korea","South Korea","Vietnam","Indonesia","Cambodia","Philippines","Myanmar","Europe","United States"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["historical analysis","statistical analysis","comparative study"]},{"id":"prio-001510","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001510","title":"Kjønnsbasert vold i krig: Hvordan få god kunnskap og på hvilken måte?","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"no","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/6ef80b15-928b-4bb4-8b81-947120c0f9d9/Kjonnsbasert vold i krig Hvordan få god kunnskap og på hvilken måte.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed"],"summary":{"text":"The author examines the challenges of gathering data on sexual violence in war, noting that it is often used as a political tool to demoralize enemies and reinforce masculinity. The text highlights historical examples from Nanking, Berlin, Rwanda, and Bosnia to illustrate the systemic nature of these crimes. It argues that current data collection is hindered by victim stigma, lack of uniform definitions, and poor baseline data. To move from 'overview to insight,' the author suggests that researchers must analyze how sexual violence interacts with national and gender identities, noting that victims who view themselves as 'ethnic victims' often find more social support than those who view themselves as 'female victims.'","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001510#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"Sexual violence in war has evolved from being viewed as an unfortunate consequence of soldierly violence to being recognized as a deliberate part of the political strategy of war, where the female body is used as a battlefield to express revenge and spread fear.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001510#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Historical evidence shows widespread systemic sexual violence across various conflicts: Japanese forces used a 'comfort women' system of sexual slavery in Asia (affecting approximately 200,000 women, 80% of whom were Korean); Soviet forces in Berlin (1945) committed mass rapes with a prevalence estimated between 6% and 1 million victims; and the 1994 Rwandan genocide involved systematic sexual violence against Tutsi women.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001510#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Data collection on gender-based violence faces four primary challenges: victims' reluctance to speak due to shame or trauma, the lack of a uniform definition of 'sexualized violence' across organizations, the absence of pre-conflict baseline data for comparison, and the risk of creating 'hierarchies of rape' where only politically significant cases are prioritized.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001510#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The psychological and social recovery of victims in Bosnia depends heavily on how they categorize their trauma: those who define themselves as 'ethnic victims' often receive more family support because the violence is viewed as a political act rather than a result of personal behavior, whereas those who see themselves as 'female victims' often face greater stigma and fear of abandonment.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001510#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"International legal frameworks have progressed through the ad hoc tribunals for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and Rwanda (ICTR), and the permanent International Criminal Court (ICC), which have helped establish that rape can be a component of genocide and a breach of international humanitarian law.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001510#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["Bosnia and Herzegovina","Rwanda","China","Germany","Democratic Republic of the Congo","Sudan","Nicaragua","El Salvador","Sierra Leone","Liberia","Korea","Taiwan","Philippines","Indonesia","Myanmar","Thailand"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":[]},{"id":"prio-001707","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001707","title":"Revolt and Rule: Learning about governance from rebel groups","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/384c9462-383a-4412-8786-2c2d4832e3f3/Revolt and Rule Learning about Governance from Rebel Groups.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The document argues that rebel groups provide a unique 'laboratory' for understanding governance because they operate outside the Westphalian state system. It examines how rebels implement rule-making, enforcement, and service provision, and how these activities relate to their legitimacy and capacity. The authors propose a multi-dimensional framework for rebel capacity—military, economic, personnel, administrative, and social—and argue that territorial control is not always a prerequisite for governance. By comparing rebel and state behaviors, the paper suggests that governance is often multi-layered and that the relationship between territorial control and legitimacy is complex and non-linear.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001707#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"Rebel groups employ diverse governance strategies, ranging from 'rebelocracy' (deep intervention in social, political, and economic rules) to 'aliocracy' (minimal intervention in strategic areas like security and taxation while leaving other governance to local authorities).","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001707#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Rebel legitimacy is often built through appeals to pre-existing social factors such as religion, ethnicity, and tradition, rather than through legal frameworks, as rebels inherently challenge the state's legal authority.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001707#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The authors propose a five-dimensional conceptualization of rebel capacity: military (armed confrontation), economic (material resources), personnel (human capital/expertise), administrative/bureaucratic (organizational structures), and social (leverage of cultural networks).","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001707#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"There is no simple linear relationship between capacity and governance; some high-capacity groups (e.g., the RUF in Sierra Leone) engage in minimal governance, while some low-capacity groups (e.g., Nepalese Maoists) implement extensive governance structures.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001707#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Territorial control is not always a prerequisite for governance; in some cases, providing governance in areas beyond their immediate control serves as a precursor to establishing subsequent territorial control.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001707#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Intensive governance can be counterproductive to territorial control, as unpopular policies may provoke civilian resistance and overstretch rebel resources, leading to a collapse of control.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001707#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Rebel groups seek external legitimacy through international recognition, diplomacy, and adherence to international law to ensure survival and achieve political goals, such as secession.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001707#insight-7","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["Uganda","Sierra Leone","El Salvador","Sri Lanka","Angola","Nepal","Ethiopia","Philippines","Laos","Western Sahara","Afghanistan","Syria","Yemen","Kosovo","Colombia","Myanmar","China","Mexico","Russia"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["theoretical framework","comparative analysis","literature review"]},{"id":"prio-001715","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001715","title":"Rural-Urban Migration, Inequality and Urban Social Disorder","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/d966058f-3028-4c7c-b6ad-b3f3ae1eca44/Rural-Urban Migration Inequality and Urban Social Disorder Evidence from African and Asian Cities.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","climate_tags","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The study finds that rural-urban migration itself does not cause urban violence. Instead, lethal urban political violence is associated with the socioeconomic marginalization of rural-urban migrants—specifically relative deprivation in terms of household assets and access to public services—as well as unequal access to education within the city population.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001715#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"The study finds no statistical evidence that the volume of rural-urban migration is associated with an increase in urban social disturbances, whether lethal or non-lethal.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001715#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Socioeconomic marginalization of rural-urban migrants, specifically relative deprivation regarding household assets, is positively associated with an increase in lethal urban political violence.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001715#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Relative deprivation of rural-urban migrants in terms of access to basic public services also shows a positive association with lethal urban disorder.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001715#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Inequality in access to education among city inhabitants is associated with a higher prevalence of lethal urban violence.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001715#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Lower levels of overall education among city inhabitants are linked to a higher likelihood of lethal urban disorder events.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001715#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Semi-autocratic regimes are found to have higher levels of both lethal and non-lethal urban disorder events compared to both full autocracies and democracies.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001715#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Proximity to ongoing armed conflict has a clear negative effect on the frequency of lethal urban events, meaning cities closer to conflict zones experience more lethal disorder.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001715#insight-7","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Higher national income levels are associated with increased levels of non-lethal political violence, which the author suggests may be because development provides more resources to fight over.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001715#insight-8","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":["climate change"],"geography_discussed":["India","China","Thailand","South Africa","Bolivia","New Delhi","Karachi","Johannesburg","Dhaka","Jakarta","Lagos","Kinshasa","Nairobi","Bangkok"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["quantitative","cross-sectional time-series","regression analysis"]},{"id":"sgr-000109","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/sgr-000109","title":"Irresponsible Science?","publisher":{"name":"Scientists for Global Responsibility","organization":"scientists-for-global-responsibility"},"document_type":"case study","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://www.sgr.org.uk/sites/default/files/2019-10/9-Institute_of_Materials_Minerals_and_Mining.pdf","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","climate_tags","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The case study examines the Institute of Materials, Minerals and Mining (IOM3), finding that while it provides more investment detail than some peers, it lacks an environmental or ethical investment policy. Analysis of available data shows approximately 9% of identified investments are in the fossil fuel sector, including holdings in Royal Dutch Shell plc and Rio Tinto plc. The report notes a lack of transparency regarding corporate membership and suggests that gaps in investment data may hide further links to the arms and fossil fuel industries.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"sgr-000109#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"The IOM3 lacks both an environmental policy and an ethical investment policy, which the authors describe as a \"serious concern\" given the environmental impact of the mining industry.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"sgr-000109#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Of the approximately 44% of IOM3 investments for which data was obtainable, about 9% were invested in the fossil fuel sector.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"sgr-000109#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Specific fossil fuel industry holdings identified within the BlackRock Charishare fund include Royal Dutch Shell plc (5.2%) and Rio Tinto plc (4.2%).","ai_generated":true,"unit":"sgr-000109#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The IOM3's school education programmes have limited fossil fuel industry involvement, with one organisation (approximately 4%) identified as part of that sector, specifically Tata Steel.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"sgr-000109#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Regarding event sponsorship, 5% of sponsors (one out of 22) were identified as part of the arms industry, specifically Rolls-Royce, while none were from the fossil fuel industry.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"sgr-000109#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The IOM3 is rated as having 'Medium' involvement with fossil fuel corporations and 'Low' involvement with arms corporations, though the authors suggest actual links could be higher due to data gaps.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"sgr-000109#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":["fossil fuel industry","mining","environmental policy"],"geography_discussed":["Netherlands","China"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["case study","financial analysis"]}]}