{"query_echo":{"q":"","filters":{"analysis_type":["longitudinal"]},"warnings":[{"code":"facet_value_not_in_vocabulary","message":"Value 'longitudinal' for facet 'analysis_type' is not in the controlled vocabulary."}]},"total":{"value":8,"relation":"eq"},"page":1,"page_size":20,"self":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/api/v1/search?analysis_type=longitudinal","stability":"beta","ai_marking":{"digital_source_type":{"uri":"http://cv.iptc.org/newscodes/digitalsourcetype/trainedAlgorithmicMedia","name":"Created using Generative AI"},"notice":"Summary and key insights are generated using artificial intelligence."},"results":[{"id":"sei-002628","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/sei-002628","title":"Financial flows of five leading banks in Sweden since the Paris Agreement","publisher":{"name":"Stockholm Environment Institute","organization":"stockholm-environment-institute"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":"2022-10","source_url":"https://www.sei.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/sei-report-sweden-banks-paris-marbuah-241022.pdf","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","climate_tags","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The study finds limited alignment with the Paris Agreement, as financing to high-emitting 'brown' sectors generally increased in volume since 2016, while 'green' investments remained marginal in absolute terms.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"sei-002628#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"The five sampled banks—Svenska Handelsbanken, Skandinaviska Enskilda Banken (SEB), Swedbank, Danske Bank, and Nordea—demonstrated limited alignment with the Paris Agreement's climate goals, with financing to high-emitting sectors gradually increasing in volume.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"sei-002628#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Since the Paris Agreement took effect in 2016, the studied banks facilitated approximately USD 150 billion to high-emitting sectors, primarily through syndicated loans (USD 104.4 billion) and bond issuance underwritings (USD 36.3 billion).","ai_generated":true,"unit":"sei-002628#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"While the percentage of new deals dedicated to 'green' sectors increased since 2015, the absolute value of these investments remains marginal, reaching USD 1.31 billion in 2020.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"sei-002628#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The largest expansion of financial flows occurred in 'grey' sectors, which include banks, real estate, and corporate finance services.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"sei-002628#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Analysis of balance sheets from 2015 to 2020 showed that the fraction of loans provided to brown sectors ranged between 12% and 22% and exhibited moderately increasing trends for most commercial banks.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"sei-002628#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Between 2016 and 2020, the distribution of total capital investments (USD 657 billion) was dominated by 'grey' sectors (67.25%), followed by 'brown' flows (21.87%), 'green' flows (10.34%), and 'transition' investments (0.54%).","ai_generated":true,"unit":"sei-002628#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Bond issuance and corporate lending to green sectors declined by 2020 when compared to 2010, though this was partially offset by equity issuance underwritings.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"sei-002628#insight-7","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The study identifies a lack of transparency and standardization in defining 'brown' and 'green' investments, suggesting that established definitions are a priority for improving transparency on climate target alignment.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"sei-002628#insight-8","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":["Paris Agreement","climate bond","transition finance","climate finance","fossil fuel finance","renewable energy"],"geography_discussed":["Western Europe","United States","European Union"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["quantitative","longitudinal"]},{"id":"sei-002610","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/sei-002610","title":"Sustainable Economic Welfare in Sweden","publisher":{"name":"Stockholm Environment Institute","organization":"stockholm-environment-institute"},"document_type":"report","language":"en","date_published":"1996","source_url":"https://www.sei.org/mediamanager/documents/Publications/SEI-Report-1996-SustainableEconomicWelfareInSweden.pdf","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","climate_tags","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The report develops a pilot Index of Sustainable Economic Welfare (ISEW) for Sweden (1950-1992), finding that while per capita ISEW grew by over 90%, it lagged behind the more than 100% growth of per capita GNP. The index began to diverge from GNP around 1980, eventually declining by 1992. This divergence was less severe than in the US or UK, which the authors attribute to Sweden's progressive income distribution policies and its reliance on hydropower, which reduced the negative impacts of resource depletion and long-term environmental damage in the index calculations.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"sei-002610#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"Per capita ISEW in Sweden increased by just over 90% between 1950 and 1992, which was notably less than the growth of per capita GNP, which more than doubled in the same period.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"sei-002610#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The Swedish ISEW per capita peaked in 1980 and then showed an overall pattern of decline through 1992, falling to a level almost 10% lower than its 1980 peak, despite GNP per capita being over 8% higher in 1992.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"sei-002610#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Sweden's progressive social policies significantly improved income distribution between 1950 and 1983, which exerted a substantial positive impact on the ISEW compared to countries like the UK.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"sei-002610#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The monetarisation of services from domestic labour was the single largest positive addition to the unweighted consumer expenditure baseline in the Swedish index, contributing roughly half as much as unweighted personal consumption.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"sei-002610#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Sweden's extensive use of hydroelectric power provided a 'fortuitous benefit' to the ISEW because the environmental costs of hydropower were not quantified in the index, unlike the costs of fossil fuel and nuclear energy.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"sei-002610#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The divergence between ISEW and GNP in Sweden occurred later (around 1980) and was less marked than in the US, UK, Germany, Austria, or the Netherlands.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"sei-002610#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Environmental costs in the index were driven by increasing losses of natural capital and long-term environmental damage, while costs from general environmental degradation remained roughly constant.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"sei-002610#insight-7","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":["environmental degradation","natural capital","hydropower","energy efficiency","air pollution","water pollution","urbanization","carbon dioxide emissions"],"geography_discussed":["United States","United Kingdom","Germany","Austria","Netherlands"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["quantitative","longitudinal","comparative"]},{"id":"prio-001289","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001289","title":"Coercion, Co-optation, or Cooperation? State Capacity and the Risk of Civil War, 1961\u00132004","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/34c24c46-0f3c-40ff-8317-c03f17c354d9/Coercion Co-optation or Cooperation State Capacity and the Risk of Civil War 1961-2004.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The research evaluates three dimensions of state capacity—coercion (revenue extraction), co-optation (government spending), and cooperation (trust in institutions)—to determine their impact on the onset of civil war. Using a global dataset, the authors find that high government spending and trustworthy institutions (proxied by contract-intensive money) are significant predictors of civil peace, whereas coercive capacity (relative political capacity) has little predictive power when controlling for other factors. The findings suggest that civil peace is co-produced through social cooperation and the provision of public goods rather than through state repression.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001289#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"High levels of government spending and trustworthy institutions are more significant predictors of civil peace than a state's coercive capacities.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001289#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The state's capacity for revenue extraction, used as a proxy for coercive capacity (Relative Political Capacity), shows no significant relationship with the risk of civil conflict onset when control variables are included.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001289#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Increased government expenditure relative to GDP is associated with a reduced risk of armed conflict; for example, shifting from the 5th to the 95th percentile of spending (approx. 7% to 27% of GDP) almost halves the annual predicted probability of conflict from 3.1% to 1.7%.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001289#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Trust in state institutions, proxied by Contract Intensive Money (CIM), significantly reduces the risk of civil war. Increasing CIM from the 5th to the 95th percentile reduces the annual predicted probability of onset by 54% (from 4.1% to 1.9%).","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001289#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The pacifying effect of government expenditure is strengthened in political systems with high levels of executive constraints, suggesting that the provision of public goods is more critical for peace than private rent-seeking.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001289#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The traditional correlation between high GDP per capita and civil peace may be largely explained by the presence of good institutions (CIM), as GDP per capita loses statistical significance when CIM is included in the model.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001289#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Control variables consistent with previous research were found: more populous countries, semi-democratic regimes, and oil-exporting countries generally face a higher risk of civil conflict.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001289#insight-7","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["Tanzania","Benin","The Gambia","Malawi","Kenya","Mozambique","Ivory Coast","Sierra Leone","Republic of the Congo","Algeria"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["quantitative","cross-national","longitudinal"]},{"id":"prio-001334","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001334","title":"Does Being Bound Together Suffocate, or Liberate?","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/2dbb3c16-fa42-413b-8b88-a287586b9656/Does_Being_Bound_Together_Suffocate_or_Liberate_Th-2-41.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","climate_tags","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The research finds a strong positive association between overall globalization and its three components—economic, social, and political—and the respect for basic human rights, contradicting 'race to the bottom' theories.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001334#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"There is a statistically significant positive relationship between overall globalization and government respect for physical integrity rights. For every 1 unit increase in globalization, there is a 0.01 increase in human rights scores.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001334#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Economic globalization has a direct positive effect on the respect for human rights, a result that remains significant even when controlling for income and income growth rates.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001334#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Social globalization, which includes personal contacts and information flows, is positively associated with human rights respect, suggesting that increased social connectivity may deter states from harming individuals.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001334#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Political globalization, characterized by closer ties between governments and participation in international organizations, correlates positively with increased respect for human rights.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001334#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The positive relationship between globalization and human rights is robust across different samples, including a specific analysis of 93 developing countries, and holds when using alternative estimation methods like ordered probit and 2SLS IV.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001334#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"When controlling for endogeneity using the 2SLS IV method, the positive effect of globalization on human rights is amplified; a standard deviation increase in the globalization index increases the PIR score by roughly 0.95, compared to 0.26 in the POLS method.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001334#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Democracy is consistently and positively associated with the respect for physical integrity rights across all models.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001334#insight-7","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Certain factors are associated with higher human rights violations, including larger country size, oil export dependency (the 'resource curse'), and the presence of civil war.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001334#insight-8","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The study finds that the positive effect of market integration on human rights may explain some of the effects typically attributed to per capita income alone.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001334#insight-9","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":["human rights"],"geography_discussed":[],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["quantitative","cross-national","longitudinal"]},{"id":"prio-001350","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001350","title":"Effectiveness of Aid on Educational Dropout in Post-Genocide Rwanda","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/7cbc9341-df01-492c-afb3-f6df848be88e/Effectiveness of Aid on Educational Dropout.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The research examines the long-term effects of the 1994 Rwandan genocide on primary school dropout rates, specifically analyzing whether living near genocide-targeted areas increases dropout risk and if development aid mitigates this effect. Using a sample of 63,892 respondents and spatial data, the study finds that while proximity to genocide events alone does not significantly increase dropout probability, the presence of aid projects in those areas reduces the likelihood of dropout by 20%. This effect is most pronounced in low-income households, where the probability of dropout decreases by 10.6%. The study also identifies that child-headed households and rural residence are associated with higher dropout rates, while female students and those with educated household heads are less likely to drop out.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001350#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"Geographical proximity to areas targeted during the genocide does not independently increase the probability of primary school dropout.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001350#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Development aid significantly reduces the likelihood of educational dropout for children living in proximity to genocide-targeted areas, with a substantial effect of 20%.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001350#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The mitigating effect of development aid on school dropout is most significant for low-income households, reducing the probability by 10.6%.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001350#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Household head status strongly influences dropout risk, with child-headed households showing the highest probability of dropout.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001350#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The educational level of the household head is a critical factor; children with heads who have not completed primary education have a 31 percentage point higher probability of dropout compared to those with more educated heads.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001350#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Gender and residence play a role in dropout rates, with girls and urban residents being less likely to drop out than boys and rural residents.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001350#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["Kigali"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["quantitative","spatial analysis","longitudinal"]},{"id":"prio-001370","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001370","title":"Ethnic inclusion, democracy, and terrorism","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/440dd590-d2c4-4bba-9548-c3a7bce30382/Ethnic Inclusion Democracy and Terrorism.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The research argues that ethnic terrorism declines when governments implement accommodation strategies, such as granting political power or regional autonomy to marginalized groups. Using a dataset linking the Global Terrorism Database to the Ethnic Power Relations project, the authors find that moves away from active discrimination significantly reduce the expected number of terrorist attacks. While transitions to democracy generally reduce ethnic terrorism, the effect is heterogeneous, with some Asian countries showing increased activity. The study also notes that while overall terrorism declines after accommodation, attacks by splinter groups may increase as hardliners reject settlements.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001370#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"Ethnic terrorism is strongly associated with political exclusion; more than two-thirds of all terrorist attacks in the sample were carried out by politically excluded ethnic groups.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001370#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Moves away from active discrimination against an ethnic group lead to a statistically significant reduction in the number of expected terrorist attacks.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001370#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Political inclusion—defined as having a monopoly, being dominant, or being a partner in power-sharing or regional autonomy—is associated with fewer terrorist attacks compared to excluded groups.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001370#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Transitions to democracy generally reduce ethnic terrorism, but this effect is not universal; in some Asian countries, such as Indonesia, Nepal, and the Philippines, terrorism increased after transitions.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001370#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Accommodation can create internal divisions within ethnic groups, leading to an increase in attacks by splinter groups even as overall terrorism declines.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001370#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The historical record of Western Europe, specifically cases like the FLNC in Corsica and the IRA in Northern Ireland, supports the claim that political concessions and autonomy reduce the appeal of violent separatism.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001370#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The authors estimate that without the moves toward accommodation observed in their data, there would have been approximately 1,800 additional predicted terrorist attacks, an increase of over 60%.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001370#insight-7","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["Western Europe","France","United Kingdom","South Africa","Syria","India","Indonesia","Nepal","Philippines","Spain","Turkey","Malaysia"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["quantitative","comparative","longitudinal"]},{"id":"prio-001491","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001491","title":"Is the Hidden Hand an Iron Fist? Capitalism & Civil Peace, 1970–2005","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/2704ec24-c851-4d1e-95a2-824e3cb39939/Is the Hidden Hand an Iron Fist Capitalism and Civil Peace 1970-2005.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The research investigates the relationship between capitalism and domestic peace, arguing that economies favorable to free enterprise reduce the risk of civil war by increasing the opportunity costs of rebellion. Using the Index of Economic Freedom and UCDP/PRIO conflict data from 1970–2005, the authors find that higher economic freedom is associated with a lower risk of conflict onset, a result that remains significant even when controlling for per capita income, institutional quality, and state repression. The study concludes that market-friendly policies do not undermine state autonomy to maintain peace, contrary to some globalization skeptics.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001491#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"There is a statistically significant negative relationship between economic freedom and the risk of civil war onset; countries with higher levels of economic freedom are less likely to experience the start of a civil conflict.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001491#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The impact of economic freedom on reducing conflict risk is substantively large and comparable to the effect of per capita income. For example, a country at the 75th percentile of economic freedom has a 43% lower risk of conflict onset than one at the 25th percentile.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001491#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Economic freedom is a more robust predictor of peace than per capita income; once economic freedom is controlled for in the models, the estimated effect of income per capita is no longer significant.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001491#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The peace-promoting effect of economic freedom persists regardless of the quality of government institutions or the level of state repression, suggesting that the result is not merely a byproduct of 'clean' institutions or the forced suppression of dissent.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001491#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The findings support an opportunity-cost model where closed economies are more prone to civil war because they encourage 'rebellion specific capital' and illegal economic activity in the shadows, whereas open economies reward productive investment over rent-seeking.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001491#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The results are robust across different samples and methods, including a sub-sample of non-Western countries and a fixed-effect regression, indicating that changes in economic freedom within countries influence conflict risk.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001491#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["Botswana","Sierra Leone"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["empirical","quantitative","longitudinal"]},{"id":"prio-001857","url":"https://climateinsightsdirectory.org/document/prio-001857","title":"Where, when, and how does the UN work to prevent civil war in self-determination disputes?","publisher":{"name":"Peace Research Institute Oslo","organization":"peace-research-institute-oslo"},"document_type":"research paper","language":"en","date_published":null,"source_url":"https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/fb58a08f-e5a5-41a7-9c3b-d60c0e585533/Where when and how does the UN work to prevent civil war in self-determination disputes.pdf?inline=true","generator":"Climate Insights Directory","generated_fields":["summary","key_insights","geography_discussed","analysis_type"],"summary":{"text":"The research analyzes UNSC resolutions in self-determination disputes to determine what drives the UN's decision to take preventive action. The authors find that the UN is significantly more likely to intervene in nonviolent disputes that have a history of violence or are located in regions with a high potential for contagion. While the UN employs a variety of tools—most notably diplomacy and condemnation—political constraints, particularly the interests of the P-5 members, limit its ability to act based on specific dispute-level characteristics like factionalism or economic status.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001857#summary","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},"key_insights":[{"text":"The UN is significantly more likely to engage in preventive action in nonviolent self-determination disputes that have a prior history of violence.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001857#insight-1","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Regional contagion risk is a strong driver of UN intervention; the UN is more likely to act in nonviolent disputes when nearby states are experiencing internal armed conflict.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001857#insight-2","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The UN's response varies by the type of tool used: while history of violence strongly predicts all forms of intervention, regional contagion is primarily associated with 'lighter' actions like diplomacy and condemnation rather than the deployment of force.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001857#insight-3","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Political constraints, specifically the veto power and interests of the P-5 (China, France, the UK, the US, and Russia), severely limit UN action in disputes involving those states or their allies.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001857#insight-4","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Dispute-level characteristics—such as the number of factions, the presence of neighboring kin groups, or the level of democracy—do not strongly predict whether the UNSC will take preventive action.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001857#insight-5","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"Diplomacy is a central and frequently used tool in the UN's preventive toolkit for self-determination disputes, reflecting a practical application of 'preventative diplomacy'.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001857#insight-6","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The UN rarely utilizes sanctions as a proactive tool in self-determination disputes, making them less common than new authorizations of force.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001857#insight-7","date_modified":"2026-10-23"},{"text":"The UN does not merely react to existing violence but acts proactively in nonviolent disputes to prevent the outbreak of civil war.","ai_generated":true,"unit":"prio-001857#insight-8","date_modified":"2026-10-23"}],"climate_tags":[],"geography_discussed":["North Macedonia","Cyprus","Afghanistan","Bosnia and Herzegovina","Croatia","Sudan","Georgia"],"frame_perspective":[],"analysis_type":["quantitative","empirical","longitudinal"]}]}